Proto-Slavic *dět？/dětь and Hittite tēta

Sa？etak The external comparative evidence, namely the PIE *dhéH1i-to- > ProtoAnatolian *t？do- > Hittite tēta- n ‘breast, teat’ < *‘that what is suckled’ indicates that in the Slavic relation *dět？ (western, southern) : *dit？ (eastern) the second link *dit？ has the original root-vocalism, but the first one dět？ secondary, i.e. analogical, due to the influence of the Proto-Slavic causative *doti which also caused that the seme ‘to suck (mother’s milk)’ was replaced by ‘to breastfeed, to give to suck’. Proto-Slavic *dět/dit and *dtь are substantivized adjectives of the type *moldъ adj. → subst. *mold？ and *zelenъ adj. → subst. *zelenь. The full-grade vocalism of the Proto-Anatolian *t？do- and of the original Proto-Slavic *dítъ (> *dtъ) from the null-grade PIE verbal adjective *dhH1i-tó- ‘such one who is sucked’ (cf. Sanskrit dhītá- via metathesis) is the consequence of the lengthening of its root-vocalism, better known from the relation between Sanskrit jātá- ‘born’ and Proto-Germanic *kinTa- ‘child’