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-  2017 

内倾型的贤能政治——基于“历史终结论”病理学逻辑的政治哲学分析

Keywords: 历史终结论,贤能政治,现代性,利他主义卓越感,内向修为
theory of the end of history
,political meritocracy,modernity,Arete based on altruism,introversive cultivation

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Abstract:

以马克思为代表的左翼和以尼采为代表的右翼,对普遍承认之虚假性和可欲性的批判,分别从两个相对的向度对福山的“历史终结论”提出了挑战。当下的中国式贤能政治,是融合了左翼与右翼挑战的政治模式,具有超越“历史终结论”的转进空间。但中国式贤能政治能否真正实现对“历史终结论”的超越,则端赖于其能否在现代条件下形成可欲且稳固的替代性治理模式。为此,中国式贤能政治必须积极回应其在现代条件下面临的三大挑战:“德必称位”与道德普遍主义之间的张力、“位必称禄”的礼治格局对社会正义的侵蚀,以及社会教化对个人自主的威胁。从中西文化比较的视角看,这亦是慈继伟意义上“基于认同的能动性”这种中国特有的道德文化模式在“后经学时代”的当下中国所面临的挑战:如果说由“德不称位”、“位必称禄”所导致的问题,在很大程度上表征着作为认同对象的道德权威和道德楷模之式微,那么社会教化与个人自主之间的张力,则集中地体现了作为这种道德文化模式之基础的“认同”过程之断裂。由“立德为公”、“利他主义卓越感”和“内向修为”共同塑造的“内倾型贤能政治”,是可以基本回应这三大挑战的可欲治理形态。
Abstract:The criticisms of the falsity of universal recognition carried out by the leftists, led by Karl Max, and the queries of its desirability proposed by the rightists, represented by Friedrich Nietzsche, raise challenges to Francis Fukuyama’s theory of “the end of history” from two opposite directions. The political framework of party-state in contemporary China, which synthesizes the challenges of both left and right wings, has a hopeful prospect of challenging “the end of history.” However, the prospect relies on whether it can develop a desirable and steady political framework. For this purpose, it must respond actively to three challenges in modern conditions: the tensions (1) between “de bu cheng wei” (ones’ virtues must match his/her position) and moral universalism; (2) between “wei bi cheng lu” (one’s position must match his/her emolument) and social justice; and (3) between social indoctrination and private autonomy. From the perspective of comparison between Chinese and Western culture, the above three challenges are the ones “agency-through-identification” in Jiwei Ci’s sense, which is the unique model of moral culture in (traditional) China, faces in contemporary China after the era of classical learning: the former two challenges embody largely the decline of the moral authority and exemplar which work as the target of identification, while the later epitomizes the fracture of process of identification which functions as the basis for the model of moral culture. The introversive meritocracy, shaped by “the morals advocated for the public,” “Arete based on altruism” and “introversive cultivation,” is a desirable political framework which can basically meet the three challenges.

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