This study explores the disease experience of children buried within the cemetery of St. Oswald’s Priory, Gloucester from AD1153 to 1857. Evidence for ages-at-death, infant mortality, and the prevalence of stress indicators, trauma, and pathology were compared between the early and postmedieval periods. The skeletal remains of these children provide evidence for child health spanning the economic expansion of Gloucester at St. Oswald’s, from a mostly rural parish to a graveyard catering for families from the poorer northern part of the town and the workhouse. Results showed that the children from the postmedieval period in Gloucester suffered higher rates of dental caries (38%) and congenital conditions (17.3%) than their counterparts from the early and later medieval period. This paper serves to highlight the value of nonadult skeletal material in the interpretation of past human health in transitional societies and illustrates the wide variety of pathological conditions that can be observed in nonadult skeletons. 1. Introduction The importance of studying nonadult skeletal remains from the archaeological context is gaining increasing recognition [1–3], but studies that focus solely on the diseases experience of children from past populations is still uncommon. Due to their rapid growth, children’s bodies react swiftly to environmental insults making nonadult palaeopathology a useful measure in our understanding of transitional populations. This paper explores the health of 137 medieval children buried at St. Oswald’s Priory, Gloucester between AD 1155 and 1857 [4]. Results of the skeletal analysis were originally presented by Rogers [5], but the palaeopathology of the children received little attention. St. Oswald’s parish extended over a large geographical area and those buried at the cemetery would have originally come from a number of outlying villages [5, 6]. Between the 1100 and 1500s the majority of the people buried at St. Oswald’s were living a rural lifestyle of subsistence agriculture, with children being employed in tending animals, lambing, and spinning wool [7, 8]. Tenant farmers rented their properties from a Lord and were allocated strips of land which they harvested. Tenants were also provided with common grazing land for their livestock and shared access to the surrounding meadows and woodland [9]. Gloucester itself was a middle-ranking market town that benefited from its position as an inland port situated along the River Severn [10, 11]. It received both raw and surplus goods for redistribution, and luxury items that were sold to
References
[1]
J. Wileman, Hide and Seek. The Archaeology of Childhood, Tempus, Gloucestershire, UK, 2005.
[2]
J. Baxter, The Archaeology of Childhood: Children, Gender and Material Culture, Altamira Press, Walnut Creek, Calif, USA, 2005.
[3]
M. Lewis, The Bioarchaeology of Children. Perspectives From Biological and Forensic Anthropology, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, 2007.
[4]
C. Heighway, Ed., The Golden Minster: the Anglo-Saxon Minster and Late Medieval Priory of St Oswald at Gloucester, Council for British Archaeology, Oxford, UK, 1999.
[5]
J. Rogers, “Burials: the human skeletons,” in The Golden Minster. The Anglo-Saxon Minster and Later Medieval Priory of St Oswald, Gloucester, C. Heighway and R. Bryant, Eds., vol. 117, pp. 229–246, Council for British Archaeology, York, UK, 1999.
[6]
N. Baker and R. Holt, Urbanm Growth and the Medieval Church, Ashgate, Aldershot, UK, 2004.
[7]
I. Whyte, “Britain from AD 500: landscape and townscape,” in The Archaeology of Britain, J. Hunter and I. Ralston, Eds., pp. 348–367, Routledge, Abingdon, UK, 2009.
[8]
N. Herbert, “Medieval Gloucester,” in A History of Gloucestershire, C. Elrington, Ed., pp. 13–72, Alan Sutton Publishing, Gloucester, UK, 1988.
[9]
C. Dyer, Standards of Living in the Later Middle Ages: Social Change in England c. 1200–1520, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, 1989.
[10]
L. Fullbrook-Leggatt, “Medieval Gloucester I,” Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, vol. 66, pp. 1–48, 1945.
[11]
P. Ripley, “The Economy of the City of Gloucester, 1660–1740,” Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, vol. 98, pp. 135–154, 1980.
[12]
R. Holt, “Gloucester in the Century after the Black Death,” Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, vol. 103, pp. 149–161, 1985.
[13]
N. Herbert, “Gloucester, 1720–1835,” in A History of Gloucestershire, C. Elrington, Ed., pp. 124–169, Alan Sutton Publishing, Gloucester, UK, 1988.
[14]
C. Heighway and M. Hare, “Gloucester and the Minster of St Oswald: a survey of the evidence,” in The Golden Minster. The Anglo-Saxon Minster and Later Medieval Priory of St Oswald, Gloucester, C. Heighway and R. Bryant, Eds., vol. 117, pp. 1–46, Council for British Archaeology, York, UK, 1999.
[15]
P. Clarke, “Early Modern Gloucester, 1547–1720,” in A History of Gloucestershire, C. Elrington, Ed., pp. 73–123, Alan Sutton Publishing, Gloucester, UK, 1988.
[16]
C. Heighway, The East and North Gates of Gloucester and Associated Sites. Excavation Monograph 4, Western Archaeological Trust, Bristol, UK, 1983.
[17]
A. Ju?ica, “Gloucester, 1835–1985,” in A History of Gloucestershire, C. Elrington, Ed., pp. 170–241, Alan Sutton Publishing, Gloucester, UK, 1988.
[18]
S.S.f.t.P.o.C. Knowledge, An Account of Several Workhouses for Employment and Maintainance of the Poor, Joseph Downing, London, UK, 1725.
[19]
R. Bryant and C. Heighway, “Excavations at the St Mary de Lode Church, Gloucester 1978-9,” Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, vol. 121, pp. 97–178, 2003.
[20]
C. F. Moorrees, E. A. Fanning, and E. E. Hunt, “Formation and resorption of three deciduous teeth in children,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 21, pp. 205–213, 1963.
[21]
C. F. Moorrees, E. A. Fanning, and E. E. Hunt, “Age variation of formation stages for ten permanent teeth,” Journal of Dental Research, vol. 42, pp. 1490–1502, 1963.
[22]
B. H. Smith, “Standards of human tooth formation and dental age assessment,” in Advances in Dental Anthropology, M. A. Kelley and C. S. Larsen, Eds., pp. 143–168, Wiley-Liss, New York, NY, USA, 1991.
[23]
L. Scheuer and S. Black, Developmental Juvenile Osteology, Academic Press, London, UK, 2000.
[24]
J. L. Scheuer, J. H. Musgrave, and S. P. Evans, “The estimation of late fetal and perinatal age from limb bone length by linear and logarithmic regression,” Annals of Human Biology, vol. 7, no. 3, pp. 257–265, 1980.
[25]
L. Scheuer and S. Maclaughlin-Black, “Age estimation from the pars basilaris of the fetal and juvenile occipital bone,” International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, vol. 4, pp. 377–380, 1994.
[26]
D. S. Weaver, “Application of the likelihood ratio test to age estimation using the infant and child temporal bone,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 50, no. 2, pp. 263–270, 1979.
[27]
B. Hanawalt, Growing Up in Medieval London, Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK, 1993.
[28]
P. B. Eveleth and J. M. Tanner, Worldwide Variation in Human Growth, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, 2nd edition, 1990.
[29]
D. Ortner, Identification of Pathological Conditions in Human Skeletal Remains, Academic Press, New York, NY, USA, 2nd edition, 2003.
[30]
P. L. Walker, R. R. Bathurst, R. Richman, T. Gjerdrum, and V. A. Andrushko, “The causes of porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia: a reappraisal of the iron-deficiency-anemia hypothesis,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 139, no. 2, pp. 109–125, 2009.
[31]
J. C. Rose, G. J. Armelagos, and J. W. Lallo, “Histological enamel indicator of childhood stress in prehistoric skeletal samples,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 49, no. 4, pp. 511–516, 1978.
[32]
C. Roberts, D. Lucy, and K. Manchester, “Inflammatory lesions of ribs: an analysis of the Terry collection,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 95, no. 2, pp. 169–182, 1994.
[33]
B. R. Kirkwood, Essentials of Medical Statistics, Blackwell Scientific Publications, London, UK, 1988.
[34]
P. L. Stuart-Macadam, “Anemia in roman Britain: poundbury camp,” in Health in Past Societies: Biocultural Interpretations of Human Skeletal Remains in Archaeological Contexts, H. Bush and M. Zvelebil, Eds., British Archaeological Research International Series, pp. 101–113, Oxford, UK, 1991.
[35]
R. P. Mensforth, C. O. Lovejoy, J. W. Lallo, and G. J. Armelagos, “The role of constitutional factors, diet and infectious disease in the etiology of porotic hyperostosis and periosteal reactions in prehistoric infants and children,” Medical Anthropology, vol. 2, no. 1, pp. 1–59, 1978.
[36]
D. J. Ortner and M. F. Ericksen, “Bone changes in the human skull probably resulting from scurvy in infancy and childhood,” International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, vol. 7, no. 3, pp. 212–220, 1997.
[37]
D. Ortner, E. Kimmerle, and M. Diez, “Probable evidence of scurvy in subadults from archaeological sites in Peru,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 108, pp. 321–331, 1999.
[38]
D. J. Ortner and S. Mays, “Dry-bone manifestations of rickets in infancy and early childhood,” International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, vol. 8, no. 1, pp. 45–55, 1998.
[39]
M. Brickley and R. Ives, The Bioarchaeology of Metabolic Bone Disease, Academic Press, Oxford, UK, 2008.
[40]
A. C. Aufderheide and C. Rodriguez-Martin, The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Human Paleopathology, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, 1998.
[41]
S. Scott and C. J. Duncan, “Malnutrition, pregnancy, and infant mortality: a biometric model,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, vol. 30, no. 1, pp. 37–60, 1999.
[42]
M. M. Maresh, “Linear growth of long bones of extremities from infancy through adolescence,” American Journal of Diseases in Children, vol. 89, no. 3, pp. 725–742, 1955.
[43]
W. J. Moore and E. Corbett, “The distribution of dental caries in ancient British populations. II. Iron Age, Romano-British and Mediaeval periods,” Caries Research, vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 139–153, 1973.
[44]
W. J. Moore and M. E. Corbett, “Distribution of dental caries in ancient British populations. III. The 17th century,” Caries Research, vol. 9, no. 2, pp. 163–175, 1975.
[45]
M. E. Corbett and W. J. Moore, “Distribution of dental caries in ancient British populations. IV. The 19th century,” Caries Research, vol. 10, no. 6, pp. 401–414, 1976.
[46]
P. M. James and W. A. Miller, “Dental conditions in a group of mediaeval English children,” British Dental Journal, vol. 128, no. 8, pp. 391–396, 1970.
[47]
H. Dawson, Unearthing Late Medieval Children: Heath, Status and Burial Practice in Southern England, Department of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Bristol, 2011.
[48]
S. Mays, “The human remains,” in Wharram. A Study of a Settlement on the Yorkshire Wolds, XI: The Churchyard. York University Archaeological Publications 13, S. Mays, C. Harding, and C. Heighway, Eds., pp. 77–192, English Heritage, London, UK, 2007.
[49]
M. E. Lewis, “Endocranial lesions in non-adult skeletons: understanding their aetiology,” International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, vol. 14, no. 2, pp. 82–97, 2004.
[50]
J. C. Y. Cheng, B. K. W. Ng, S. Y. Ying, and P. K. W. Lam, “A 10-year study of the changes in the pattern and treatment of 6,493 fractures,” Journal of Pediatric Orthopaedics, vol. 19, no. 3, pp. 344–350, 1999.
[51]
V. Donghi, M. Di Frenna, A. di Lascio, G. Chiumello, and G. Weber, “Vitamin D dependent rickets, diagnostic and theraputic difficulties: two case reports,” Journal of Pediatric Endocrinology and Metabolism, vol. 24, no. 9-10, pp. 801–805, 2011.
[52]
T. D. Thacher, P. R. Fischer, J. M. Pettifor, J. O. Lawson, B. J. Manaster, and J. C. Reading, “Radiographic scoring method for the assessment of the severity of nutritional rickets,” Journal of Tropical Pediatrics, vol. 46, no. 3, pp. 132–139, 2000.
[53]
M. Lewis, “Sticks and Stones: exploring the nature and significance of child trauma in the past,” in The Bioarchaeology of Human Conflict: “Traumatized Bodies” from Early Prehistory to the Present, C. Knüsel and M. Smith, Eds., Routledge, New York, NY, USA, 2013.
[54]
K. Moore and T. Persaud, The Developing Human, Saunders, Philadelphia, Pa, USA, 8th edition, 2008.
[55]
M. E. Lewis and R. Gowland, “Brief and precarious lives: infant mortality in contrasting sites from medieval and post-medieval England (AD 850–1859),” American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 134, no. 1, pp. 117–129, 2007.
[56]
N. Orme, Medieval Children, Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn, USA, 2001.
[57]
J. C. Robertson, “Reckoning with London: interpreting the bills of mortality before John Graunt,” Urban History, vol. 23, no. 3, pp. 325–350, 1996.
[58]
S. R. Saunders and R. D. Hoppa, “Growth deficit in survivors and non-survivors: biological mortality bias in subadult skeletal samples,” Yearbook of Physical Anthropology, vol. 36, pp. 127–151, 1993.
[59]
J. W. Wood, G. R. Milner, H. C. Harpending, et al., “The osteological paradox. problems of inferring prehistoric health from skeletal samples,” Current Anthropology, vol. 33, no. 4, pp. 343–370, 1992.
[60]
D. C. Cook and J. E. Buikstra, “Health and differential survival in prehistoric populations: prenatal dental defects,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 51, no. 4, pp. 649–664, 1979.
[61]
E. A. O'Sullivan, S. A. Williams, and M. E. Curzon, “Dental caries in relation to nutritional stress in early English child populations,” Pediatric Dentistry, vol. 14, no. 1, pp. 26–29, 1992.