oalib

Publish in OALib Journal

ISSN: 2333-9721

APC: Only $99

Submit

Search Results: 1 - 10 of 29 matches for " Fati Kirakoya-Samadoulougou "
All listed articles are free for downloading (OA Articles)
Page 1 /29
Display every page Item
Neisseria meningitis serogroup X outbreak in Burkina Faso, 2009-2010  [PDF]
Seydou Yaro, Aly Drabo, Soumeya Ouangraoua, Fati Kirakoya-Samadoulougou, Judith Mueller, Oumar Sanou, Haoua Tall, Phillip Jaillard, Berthe-Marie Njanpop-Lafourcade, Jean Macq, Annie Robert, Jean Bosco Ouedraogo
Open Journal of Internal Medicine (OJIM) , 2012, DOI: 10.4236/ojim.2012.22010
Abstract: Background: Centre MURAZ of Bobo-Dioulasso (Burkina Faso) organized in 2009 and 2010 a system of Cerobro-Spinal Fluid (CSF) collection in eight pilot Districts as an initial step for the future Ministry of Health’s led strategy of individual surveillance in a context of meningococcal conjugate A vaccine introduction. Methods: CSF samples were analyzed with Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR). This allowed for meningitis etiologies dynamics studies in the pilot Districts. Results: Because of geographical difficulties and lack of means, less than 40% of suspected cases had their CSF analyzed at PCR reference laboratory. In 2009, among confirmed cases at reference laboratory, Sp (Streptococcus pneumonia), NmA (Neisseria meningitis A) and Hib (Hemophilus influenzae b) were responsible respectively for 90%, 6.6% and 4.4% of cases. In 2010, serogroup distribution among confirmed cases was: Sp 62.7%, NmX 32.2% and NmA 5.1%. Sp which was continuously present in Burkina Faso takes more significant proportions, just as serogroup X which until there was sporadically encountered. The attack rates of NmX were tree to twelve times higher than for NmA in the two Districts where NmX has been notified. Conclusion: As a consequence of such results, efforts must be maintained in epidemiologic surveillance field and in reinforcement of laboratory capacities. Fast care should be guaranteed to patients with adequate antibiotics according to country national guideline and chemoprophylaxis measures should be undertaken among contacts of patients to prevent secondary cases. A plea must be made on one hand for pneumococcal vaccine introduction in Burkina Faso and on other hand towards manufacturers for taking into account serogroup X into meningococcal polyvalent vaccine composition. With this polyvalent vaccine including serougruop X, we suggested to conduct periodically mass campaign vaccination of people before the beginning of meningitis epidemiological season.
Who Is Going for VCT? A Case Study in Urban Burkina Faso
Fati Kirakoya-Samadoulougou,Seydou Yaro,Paulin Fao,Marie-Christine Defer,Fran?ois Ilboudo,Youssouf Langani,Nicolas Meda,Annie Robert,Nicolas Nagot
ISRN AIDS , 2012, DOI: 10.5402/2012/307917
Abstract: Introduction. Voluntary HIV counselling and testing (VCT) is a key element of treatment and is essential for prevention of vertical HIV transmission. Little information is available on the uptake of VCT in Burkina Faso. This study aims to assess the prevalence of VCT in urban Burkina Faso, where the epidemic is still highly concentrated. Methods. We conducted a two-stage clustered population-based survey among 1,694 subjects living in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. After informed consent was obtained, a behavioural questionnaire was administered to participants. Results. Overall, 10.2% of individuals had used VCT, while 9% were women. Among women who had a child after the launch of the programme to prevent mother-to-child transmission (PMTCT), only 10.4% have been tested for HIV. Almost all participants (99.3%) were aware of HIV/AIDS, and 65% knew the main methods of prevention. In multivariate analysis, older age and being married and better educated were independent factors associated with VCT. Conclusions. Despite high public knowledge and awareness about HIV, VCT uptake was still very low and PMTCT coverage was poor. New strategies are required to increase VCT uptake in urban areas, in particular among the youngest age. 1. Introduction Voluntary counselling and testing (VCT) plays a pivotal role within a comprehensive range of measures for HIV/AIDS prevention and support and should be strongly encouraged. VCT has become an integral part of HIV control programs in many countries. Services have evolved to reflect developments in the treatment and care for HIV-related illnesses, important in reducing HIV transmission [1]. The campaigns against HIV/AIDS have largely focused on community implications and healthy living. The uptake, attitudes, and perceptions of the public regarding HIV testing may provide important information for the planning of preventive and interventional programmes. Positive attitudes toward VCT have been demonstrated in women attending antenatal clinic (ANC) due to their concern for the health of the expected baby, self-perceived HIV risk, and knowledge of medical intervention to reduce disease symptoms or prevent vertical transmission [2]. It is not clear if these findings can be extrapolated to other population groups. Approximately 120,000 individuals are infected with HIV in Burkina Faso, with 60% of these living in urban areas and only a small proportion of them aware of their HIV status [3]. Prevention of mother-to-child transmission (PMTCT) programmes have been launched in urban areas of Burkina in 2001. Little information is
Management Problems of Trans-Frontier Yellow Fever Cases in Burkina Faso 2010  [PDF]
Seydou Yaro, Aline R. Ouoba, Alidou Zango, Jérémi Rouamba, Aly Drabo, Soumeya Ouangraoua, Fati Samandoulougou-Kirakoya, Jean Macq, Annie Robert, Jean Bosco Ouedraogo
Advances in Infectious Diseases (AID) , 2013, DOI: 10.4236/aid.2013.32013
Abstract:

This last decade, Burkina Faso has been confronted with yellow fever confirmed cases, mainly from Western part of the country. In 2010, National Reference laboratory of yellow fever received 970 sera of suspected cases from the 65 Health Districts of the country. We found 11 positive results by ELISA test researching specific IgM against yellow fever. An aliquot of these eleven positive sera were sent to Dakar for confirmation by sero neutralization and RT-PCR. Eight have been confirmed by regional laboratory of Pasteur Institute of Dakar and three were classified as doubtful. Confirmed cases were manly notified by Sindou (4/8) and Mangodara (3/8) Health Districts and the last one came from Nongr-masson health District situated in the central part of the country. Three out of the four confirmed cases in Sindou Health District were resident from neighboring village in Ivory Cost. Conformed cases coming from neighboring villages of Ivory Cost were difficult to manage because of the relative lack of coordination between the two health centers responsible in two different countries. The three cases were not notified to Ivory Cost Health authorities and, in addition, they didn’t benefit from the Burkina Faso response plan. The goal of this work is to present results from National Reference yellow fever laboratory in 2010 in Burkina Faso and stressing trans-frontier cases management problems in order to suggest a multinational mechanism of response to fight against this disease more effectively.

Key issues in fighting organised crime in the Balkans
Fati? Aleksandar
Medjunarodni Problemi , 2005, DOI: 10.2298/medjp0502071f
Abstract: Traditional definitions of organised crime tend to focus on its links with the market. They depict organised crime as an alternative industry based on the stable supply of a criminal market, characterised by the use of force or threat by it, and motivated by illicit profit or a quest of political power. These definitions arise from the historically most common depictions of specific activities of organised crime, which in most parts of Europe and North America have traditionally been associated with the illegal collection of debts, extortion rackets, contract murders or systemic corruption leading to, and associated with, a transnational trade in drugs. Through the evolution of the definitions, these stereotypes have gradually waned away, and the use of violence, as well as the primary motivation by material profit, has been omitted from the lists of obligatory characteristics that a crime must fulfill in order to be classified as “organised crime”. More recently, in the European Union definition, the use of violence and motivation by profit alone have been made only conditional criteria, and the quest of institutional power has been recognised as a motivating factor for organised crime equal to that of generating illicit profit. These new definitional approaches have opened the way to revolutionary ways of understanding the development of organised crime, specifically to including white-collar crime and massive fraud in the future definitions of organised crime, as well as further elaborating the aspect of political violence that is present in many organised crime activities across the world. In the Balkans, these new moments in defining organised crime appear to have been tested particularly directly in Serbia, where, first, there has been a long public debate over a systematic “siphoning away” of public funds to the accounts of private companies through the mass corruption of a former, post-communist government until 2001. Subsequently, organised criminal rings have been accused of having masterminded and executed the assassination of the late Serbian Prime Minister, Dr Zoran in i . The Balkans, and particularly Serbia, have been exposed to some of the most destructive consequences of organised crime. Correspondingly, the region can serve as a polygon or testing grounds for the exploration of the conceptual issues associated with organised crime. Finally, the experiences in crime control gained in this process could be valuable tools to address organised crime elsewhere. This especially concerns the emergence of what has recently become known in cri
The influence of transitional and structural reforms on internal legitimacy and the structure of values
Fati? Aleksandar
Medjunarodni Problemi , 2010, DOI: 10.2298/medjp1001065f
Abstract: The paper explores the view of political transitions from the standpoint of capacity for collective action, and seeks to use a causal analysis of the motivation for collective action and its public articulation as a method of interpreting modern political systems that would be a feasible alternative to the traditional quantitative and comparative method that focuses on the specific aspects of transitions. The author argues that the capacity for collective action within a political system correlates directly to the degree of internal legitimacy of public policy. Such legitimacy is necessarily based on the dominant value system within the transitional process. In addition, the author stipulates that this capacity is reversely proportional to the degree of structural violence in society.
NATO enlargement and relations between Serbia and Montenegro and Bulgaria and Romania
Fati? Aleksandar
Medjunarodni Problemi , 2003, DOI: 10.2298/medjp0302223f
Abstract: The discussion of bilateral relations in modern international relations is usually in the shadow of the new character of global international politics, which is mediated through the large international relations. Bilateral diplomacy is slowly giving way to multilateral diplomacy in the solving of most international issues, including those that have been traditionally perceived as belonging exclusively to the domain of state sovereignty. However, bilateral relations remain crucial in situations where integration processes into large international bodies encounter obstacles and problems. The current development of bilateral diplomacy between Serbia and Montenegro on the one, and Bulgaria and Romania, on the other hand, serves predominantly the purposes of regional harmonisation that will eventually lead to NATO and EU accession, and this process also serves to iron out not so infrequent problems and dissonances in the recent history of bilateral relations, especially between Bulgaria and the former FRY, and particularly during the NATO bombing of FRY in the Spring of 1999. Today, however, all three countries have proclaimed the EU and NATO accession projects as the top priorities of their foreign policies. In the course of pursuit of their accession policies, Bulgaria and Romania have realised that the so-called “beauty contest” approach, namely the countries' insistence on their own qualifications for membership in the EU and NATO, as opposed to the qualifications of the other countries of the region, is largely futile, and they have opted instead for a regional cooperation approach. The latter approach is consistent with the founding principle of regionalism in the internal organisation of the European Union, and this principle includes, among others, the sub-principle of subsidiarity, whereby all decisions are made on the lowest hierarchical level possible, preferably on the level of European regions. This approach implies that countries that are candidates for membership in the EU must first demonstrate the ability to cooperate and integrate regionally, and this is why Romania and Bulgaria, as well as Serbia and Montenegro, have now refocused their efforts on mutual bilateral relations within the context of NATO (and EU) accession.
Organized crime and the outline of a new structure of security in Europe
Fati? Aleksandar
Medjunarodni Problemi , 2004, DOI: 10.2298/medjp0401056f
Abstract: The modern security threats in Europe, and especially in the transitional region of Southeastern Europe, are considerably different from the traditional military threats arising from statehood-related aspirations of the minorities, or from unresolved border issues between neighbours, or between regional aspirations of the former superpowers. Today's security threats emanate primarily from organized crime and terrorism, two curses that have spread their realm across the globe, and that threaten to establish breeding grounds in Southeastern Europe, due to the relatively soft and porous borders, unresolved status of ethnic communities in neighbouring states, internal instability and weakness of the institutions in the region’s states, as well as contradictory and sometimes counterproductive signals that are sent to the region by the large international organizations and influential countries. A particular danger for the region arises from the newly developing "netted" structures of organized crime, which present organized criminal gangs not only as an alternative "industry" to various legitimate social services, an industry whose parts mutually compete, but increasingly as an aspiring government in itself, namely an industry whose parts cooperate, rather than competing, and which tend to reduce the level of competition and increase the level of cooperation across the region, thus threatening the very foundations of the state, and hijacking the state agenda by co-opting various state agencies and officials through corruption, intimidation, or manipulation into collusion. This paper briefly outlines the main currents of development of the structures and aspirations of organized criminal gangs in the region their changing roles in the region's societies, and the perspectives of their organized synergy with terrorist organizations occurring. It also discusses the most effective methods to address these problems and the conditions for their development and implementation in the region. Namely the paper espouses a central argument that aims to show that the logic of development of terrorism in Europe implies that, sooner or later, especially Islamic terrorist organizations will be faced with a very real dilemma of whether or not to establish systematic cooperation with organized crime. Such cooperation would offer tremendous operational advantages to terrorists, with logistics for terrorist actions being provided by organized crime, while at the same time terrorism could provide an umbrella of "political legitimation" through "service to the right cause" of those
The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in contemporary diplomacy
Fati? Aleksandar
Medjunarodni Problemi , 2002, DOI: 10.2298/medjp0201003f
Abstract: The issue of cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia is characterized by two seemingly very different aspects namely the legal, and the diplomatic (or 'political'). It is often argued that the diplomatic aspect is justifiably subject to deviation from the traditional legal criteria in international relations, such as are the principles of legality, reciprocity, etc. The author argues here that any 'pragmatism' that infringes the principles of legality in international relations, and in the internal political system, short lived, and that in the mid-term it emerges as counter-productive. The author is of the opinion that the Tribunal has resorted to such pragmatist steps, and has consequently been turned into a lobby, whose goal has been to influence the internal political scene of Serbia. By such action, the Tribunal, and primarily its Chief Prosecutor, have stepped out of the domain of legitimate action of a criminal court, and the destructive consequences of such 'relativisation' of the standards of legitimacy are yet to become clear in the further development of international criminal courts.
Political violence as a value problem for security policy
Fati? Aleksandar
Medjunarodni Problemi , 2006, DOI: 10.2298/medjp0603213f
Abstract: The author argues that the moral dimensions of political violence play a crucial role in the conceptualization of effective ways to combat such violence. It goes on to argue that the ability to empathize with the politically violent is a difficult precondition for the development of effective control strategies, and guilds its interpretation on the philosophical perspectives on the legitimacy of grievances and illegitimacy of methods used to address them by terrorists and the other perpetrators of political violence. The author draws parallels between key controversies in politically violent campaigns and conventional wars, and concludes that despite the alarming in palatability of political violence, the experiential record so far suggests that a de-escalation of mutual perceptions between the politically violent and the mainstream society appears to be a necessary precondition for the resolution of the underlying conflicts.
The problem of truth in war crimes trials
Fati? Aleksandar,Bulatovi? Aleksandra
Medjunarodni Problemi , 2012, DOI: 10.2298/medjp1201034f
Abstract: The author discusses the relationship between the truth and criminal trial in general, with a special focus on war crimes trials and their consequences for the fragile processes of consolidation of violated collective identities in post-conflict states. The authors challenge the idea that a criminal trial is a search for the truth, and present a philosophical argument to the effect that the trial is in fact an event conforming to the model of what the author calls “quasi-epistemological games”, rather than the model of an epistemological engine. The purpose of the trial is quasi-epistemological, because the model of an epistemological engine entails that the trial is primarily a search for the truth, while this is not the case with criminal trials in general, and especially with war crimes trials. He argues that, while the criminal trial readily invites the truth of the events if it is discovered, it can be and often is both valid and valuable regardless of whether “the truth, the full truth, and nothing but the truth” is discovered in its course.
Page 1 /29
Display every page Item


Home
Copyright © 2008-2017 Open Access Library. All rights reserved.