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Search Results: 1 - 10 of 478 matches for " counter-insurgency "
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?ESTAMOS EN GUERRA, SE?ORES!: EL RéGIMEN MILITAR DE PINOCHET Y EL "PUEBLO", 1973-1980
Valdivia Ortiz de Zárate,Verónica ?;
Historia (Santiago) , 2010, DOI: 10.4067/S0717-71942010000100005
Abstract: this article analyzes the relationship between the military regime of general augusto pinochet and chile?s popular sectors during the 1970?s, questioning the common view that posits an exclusionary understanding between that government and the high bourgeoisie. the thesis sustains that pinochet?s dictatorship set out to co-opt the popular milieu, historically associated with center and left-wing politics, and that, therefore, its relationship with the ?people? was not based solely on repression. the reason for this is that the ?war? waged against marxism had an ideological foundation, and thus required the re-socialization of those social actors. the international context and the economic crisis, likewise, reinforced people?s political centrality as a legitimizing agent. from a conceptual standpoint, this article seeks to reconsider the model of the ?bureaucratic-authoritarian state? applied to the military dictatorships of latin america?s southern cone, including the chilean case.
The States Must Be Crazy: Dissent and the Puzzle of Repressive Persistence
Christian Davenport,Cyanne Loyle
International Journal of Conflict and Violence , 2012,
Abstract: According to forty years worth of research, dissent always increases repression whereas state coercive behavior has a range of different influences on dissident activity. If the outcome of government action is uncertain, why do authorities continue to apply repression? We explore this “puzzle of repressive persistence” using official records of U.S. government activities against the Republic of New Africa, a Black Nationalist organization active in the late 1960s and early 1970s. In particular, we investigate three proposed answers to the puzzle: repression is effective but in a way not currently considered; repression functions by mechanisms not hitherto considered by quantitative researchers; or those who use repression are not actually interested in eliminating dissent. We find that persistence in this case can be attributed to: 1) a long-term plan to eliminate challengers deemed threatening to the U.S. political-economy and 2) the influence of particular agents of repression engaged in a crusade against Black radicals. Both factors increased the likelihood of continued coercion despite short-term failure; indeed such an outcome actually called for additional repressive action. These insights open up a new area of research for conflict scholars interested in occurrence, persistence and escalation.
The evolution of NATO’s comprehensive approach to crisis management operations
Guillem Colom Piella
Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals , 2012,
Abstract: The crisis management operations, post-war stabilisation and nation-building that has taken place since the end of the Cold War has all highlighted the extreme need to harmonise multinational and inter-agency cooperation in order to increase the coherence and effectiveness of the operation. That is the basic principle of Comprehensive Approach, which is defined as the coordination of strategies and actions of the participating actors in crisis management and at all levels, stages and planes of same. The NATO has also incorporated these advances into the area of crisis management, as a result of which, since 2006, it has been defining its own concept of Comprehensive Approach for non-Article 5 missions, and as a central theme in its political-military strategy for the present and immediate future.
Counterinsurgency and the People's War in El Salvador
Marty Villalobos
Kasarinlan : Philippine Journal of Third World Studies , 1987,
Abstract: Low Intensity Conflict (LIC) advocates “total war” in all fronts—economic, social, political, and psychological. El Salvador has served as the main model for the application of LIC. In this study, the author will look into how the anti-imperialist or revolutionary forces in El Salvador responded to LIC and how they were able to frustrate this counter-insurgency scheme of the United States and the Duarte regime. He will also tackle how these forces further developed their revolutionary struggle. The paper will deal mainly with the Salvadoran situation from 1981 up to the present.
ESTAMOS EN GUERRA, SE ORES!: EL RéGIMEN MILITAR DE PINOCHET Y EL "PUEBLO", 1973-1980
Verónica Valdivia Ortiz de Zárate
Historia (Santiago) , 2010,
Abstract: Este artículo analiza la relación del régimen militar del general Augusto Pinochet con los sectores populares durante la década de 1970, poniendo en cuestión las afirmaciones de un entendimiento excluyente con la alta burguesía. La hipótesis sostiene que el régimen se propuso cooptar al mundo popular, históricamente asociado al centro y la izquierda política y que, por lo tanto, su relación con el “pueblo” no se remitió exclusivamente a la represión. Ello se habría debido a que la “guerra” declarada al marxismo tenía un carácter ideológico y, por ende, requería la resocialización de dichos grupos sociales. El contexto internacional y la crisis económica, asimismo, devolvieron su importancia política al pueblo como agente legitimador del régimen. Desde un punto vista conceptual, este trabajo busca repensar la categoría de Estado burocrático autoritario que se ha aplicado a las dictaduras militares del Cono Sur americano, dentro de las cuales se ha incluido el caso chileno. This article analyzes the relationship between the military regime of General Augusto Pinochet and Chile’s popular sectors during the 1970’s, questioning the common view that posits an exclusionary understanding between that government and the high bourgeoisie. The thesis sustains that Pinochet’s dictatorship set out to co-opt the popular milieu, historically associated with center and left-wing politics, and that, therefore, its relationship with the “people” was not based solely on repression. The reason for this is that the “war” waged against Marxism had an ideological foundation, and thus required the re-socialization of those social actors. The international context and the economic crisis, likewise, reinforced people’s political centrality as a legitimizing agent. From a conceptual standpoint, this article seeks to reconsider the model of the “Bureaucratic-Authoritarian State” applied to the military dictatorships of Latin America’s Southern Cone, including the Chilean case.
VICTORY IN HADES: THE FORGOTTEN WARS OF THE OMAN, 1957-1959 AND 1970-1976
S. Monick
Scientia Militaria : South African Journal of Military Studies , 2012, DOI: 10.5787/12-3-608
Abstract: Part 1 It is generally conceded that the record of post- World War II Western or pro-Western governments in countering insurgency has been marked by a long and sad succession of failures. The French endeavours to overcome insurgent forces in Indo-China and Algeria, those of the British with regard to Cyprus and Aden, the American efforts in Vietnam, the Rhodesian and Portuguese counter-offensives in the Zambezi salient, have all ended in ignominous defeat; either through military inadequacy (as in Indo- China); or, more commonly, through political pressures totally nullifying military success (as was the case in Algeria, Aden, Cyprus, the Portuguese Lusophone provinces in Africa, and Rhodesia). There is, however,one extremely significant illustration of a highly successful COIN (counter-insurgency) campaign which has received comparatively little attention; despite the fact that it has been fought in one of the most strategically crucial areas of the globe. This is the war in the Oman; or, more specifically, the series of wars which marked the years 1957-1959 and 1970-1976. The wars are unique in the annals of post-World War II military history, for reasons which will become apparent in the following article.
Electoral Bottlenecks and Problems of Governance in Nepal
Narad Bharadwaj,Shiva K. Dungana,Bishnu Raj Upreti
Kasarinlan : Philippine Journal of Third World Studies , 2004,
Abstract: This paper assesses the electoral system and problems of governance in Nepal focusing on various phases of political developments since the 1950s. It analyzes the setbacks encountered in the democratization of the country. The article explains the function of Nepal’s electoral system at various junctures of its recent history and traces the struggle of the people for democratic governance against an entrenched feudal culture of authoritarianism. It analyzes the role of the king, the political parties, and the geopolitics in the region in obstructing democratization, good governance and accountability. Finally, it shows how electoral deviations and lack of good governance have combined to engender Maoist insurgency. The paper argues that only a peaceful solution of the present day conflict brought about by Maoist insurgency will strengthen the democracy in Nepal.
Geography of Insurgency—Contextualization of Ethno-Nationalism in Northeast India  [PDF]
Leishipem Khamrang
Open Journal of Social Sciences (JSS) , 2015, DOI: 10.4236/jss.2015.36017
Abstract: Northeast India has been plagued by insurgency related violence and conflicts for many decades. The greater threat and concern have been, however, the rising regional tensions albeit promulgation of series of insurgency crack-down policies by successive central and state governments since the 1950s. To contain insurgency activities, new winning formulas have been announced occasionally, promising incentives or job to the surrenderees, with events of surrendering insurgent’s ceremonies yet several newer insurgents and splinter groups have been formed. The volatile state power relations intrigue the entire geopolitical condition and create space for development of newer geographical landscape of conflict thereby turning the region to one of the most sensitive regions in India. The paper is an attempt to examine the emergence of insurgency movements, the nature of contextualization insurgency activities and spatial conflict in Northeast India in the backdrop of the contesting state power relation.
A Macabre Exhibit: Ugandan President Museveni’s Public Display of the Luwero Triangle War’s Human Remains  [PDF]
Onek C. Adyanga
Advances in Historical Studies (AHS) , 2015, DOI: 10.4236/ahs.2015.45028
Abstract: The public display of human remains has a long history in warfare. Whether for counting enemy losses based on psychological reasoning or demonizing the perpetrators of the violence, exhibiting human remains has potently served a variety of political, educational and propaganda aims. In Uganda, President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni has exhibited human remains for political and military purposes numerous times. Museveni has frequently displayed the Luwero Triangle War’s human remains to help secure his National Resistance Movement and Army’s (NRM/A) political legitimacy, consolidate an ethnic-centered regime and harness the support of western governments. He has also exploited the exhibition of the Luwero Triangle War’s human remains to stoke ethnic xenophobia and demonization, as well as to stymie the quest for genuine democracy, the rule of law and constitutionalism. The persistent policy of Museveni’s NRM/A regime to exhibit the Luwero Triangle War’s human remains has shocked the conscience of the people of Uganda and scholars alike who express the need to focus on granting dignity and respect to the rights of the dead and to bring perpetrators to justice. The repeated decision of Museveni’s NRM/A regime to exhibit the Luwero Triangle War’s human remains undermines any prospects for building a united Uganda based on genuine truth telling and reconciliation.
La Información Y El Rumor En Zonas De Conflicto
Estrada,Fernando;
Análisis Político , 2007,
Abstract: information sources, creation of informant networks and labors of local intelligence have become very important goals in political power calculations of the paramilitary and insurgents. phenomena of information and rumor can disclose central aspects to understand the direction of events yet to be seen in local politics. the text presents a phenomenological analysis of information (and its deviations) to understand the dynamics of armed conflict at a local level.
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