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Search Results: 1 - 10 of 1780 matches for " United Nations "
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A Cúpula Mundial sobre o Desenvolvimento Social e os paradoxos de Copenhague
Alves, J. A. Lindgren;
Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional , 1997, DOI: 10.1590/S0034-73291997000100006
Abstract: this article analyses the world summit on social development, that was held in copenhague, in 1995, when was debated the problems and possible solutions to the social development and the human welfare of mankind.
It Takes Two to Tango: How Moscow's Influence on the United Nations was Shaped by Washington
Tine Destrooper
Opticon1826 , 2008, DOI: 10.5334/opt.040805
Abstract: To get a more profound insight into Gorbachev’s motivations for introducing the New Political Thinking, a better insight into the political situation of the U.S.S.R. is crucial. In 1985, the U.S.S.R. had been involved in the dead-end war in Afghanistan; in Eastern Europe, there was a significant politicaleconomic stagnation and the relations with the West were depressing (Sakwa, 1990). Foreign policy lacked all direction after four years of inaction, and the prestige of the U.S.S.R. was quickly eroding.
Intelligence at the United Nations for Peace Operations
Gustavo Díaz
UNISCI Discussion Papers , 2007,
Abstract: Since the end of the Cold War, peacekeeping has assumed a renewed saliency and importance. Intelligence in general and peacekeeping intelligence in particular, has long been highly sensitive subject at the UN. In this sense this piece wishes to contribute to a better understanding of the necessity of timely and adequate intelligence support for political and military decision makers during any international peacekeeping operation. Good intelligence is always important to both soldiers and policy-makers can be crucial in any kind of conflict. The UN intelligence efforts in peacekeeping operations have thus been limited. Some improvements have been made, but the further development of intelligence capabilities raises a number of important issues that point to mayor constraints and possible inherent limits on what the UN can achieve.
The Freedom of Navigation in the South China Sea: An Ideal or a Reality?  [PDF]
Zewei Yang
Beijing Law Review (BLR) , 2012, DOI: 10.4236/blr.2012.33019
Abstract: The freedom of navigation in the South China Sea has drawn an extensive international concern in recent years. The main reasons leading to skepticism are the disputes in the South China Sea over islands sovereignty and maritime delimitation, extra-regional state’s intervention, and some ASEAN member states’ wish to countervail China with the help of extra-regional states. In fact there is no problem at all with the freedom of navigation in the South China Sea: on one hand, there are legal regimes to ensure all states’ freedom of navigation in different seas according to United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea; on the other hand, no state impedes the freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. Currently, factors actually affecting the safety of navigation in the South China Sea include piracy, maritime ter- rorism and so on. Relevant states must take confidence-building measures as well as regional and bilateral cooperation so as to promote the safety of navigation in the region
Financing for Sustainable Development: Reflections on the Malaysian Perspective against the Six Capital Types Proposed by United Nations Sustainable Development Solutions Network  [PDF]
Radieah Mohd Nor, Kanayathu Chacko Koshy, Kamarulazizi Ibrahim
Journal of Human Resource and Sustainability Studies (JHRSS) , 2015, DOI: 10.4236/jhrss.2015.33019
Abstract: This article is about analysis of Malaysia’s achievements regarding the proposed main capital out-lined by the United Nations Sustainable Development Solutions Network (UN SDSN) that to be empowered by every country in the world. There are six main types of capital proposed by UN SDSN which are infrastructure, human capital, natural capital, business capital, intellectual capital and social capital. Based on the proposed six categories, Malaysia should take the initiative proposed so that Malaysia can achieve sustainability in its development as outlined in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This situation needs to be done because Malaysia is still lagging in their efforts to preserve the type of capital owned by them. Good management needs to be done to strengthen the type of capital held in Malaysia.
The Limits of Self-Determination and the Cases of Forced Separatism: The Example of Northern Cyprus  [PDF]
Andreas Yfantidis
Open Journal of Political Science (OJPS) , 2016, DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2016.62015
Abstract: In the current essay, the writer will try to approach the cases of separatism and especially those of illegal separatism which are creating unrecognized or partially recognized states. It is true though that these cases, even of forced separatism, are matter which has been subjected to the international law and mainly to the principle of the security of a minority group and finally the right to self-determination. Although the principle of self-determination is respected under the Charter of the United Nations (article 1§2), it is still rather vague to define what kind of group is subjected to it. The Charter doesn’t provide much information about it and keeps the Wilsonian concept of “self-determination for people”, therefore cases of separatism are still under broad and heated debate. Although this paper will focus on the case of forced separatism in Cyprus and especially the case of Northern Cyprus, which has been separated from the Cypriot mainland after the Turkish invasion of 20th July 1974 and has proclaimed to be the independent “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus”1 after 1983. Moreover I will try to focus on the aspects of the separatist arguments posed from the Turkish community for protection from the Greek paramilitary forces and the fact of the invasion which made the whole territory an occupied territory (S/RES/550, 1984) rather than an independent state coming from a legitimate secessionist movement. Hence the arguments and the methodology followed in this paper will move in a dialectic path by highlighting first of all the historical aspects of the case of Cyprus from 1878 and the British rule over the island. Afterwards we will mention the arguments supporting the cases of legitimate secessionism and we will attempt to give a possible definition of illegal and forced separatism which are carried out after invasions and territorial claims that are made under the safeguard clause of the United Nations Covenant of Friendly relations of 1970. These claims are tightly connected to the-so called but disputable remedial right to secessionism. The remedial right of secessionism is pleaded when the central government is adopting a discriminatory behavior against to a minority group with specific religious or racial characteristics by following strict political, economic and social policies on this community (Buchanan, 1997).
Namibia and the United Nations: A Turning Point in the Understanding of National Sovereignty  [PDF]
Xiaofan Han, John Klinger, Patrick Snabes, Alice Li
Open Journal of Political Science (OJPS) , 2016, DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2016.64039
Abstract: This paper tries to answer the question that “To what extent did the UN policy in South West Africa represent a successful and legitimate change in attitude and action by the United Nations towards the sovereignty of individual states when compared to indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination?” This paper analyzes to what extent UN involvement in the colony of South West Africa, now known as Namibia, constituted a tangible change in UN, and therefore globally held, views on national sovereignty. Namibia itself has a long and complicated history. The United Nations’ response to the colonization of South West Africa represented a fundamental change in the traditional view of sovereignty, from old view, which held that the sovereign ruler had the right to govern his own territory; to the modern view, which generally holds that people have the sovereign right to self-determination.
Descoloniza??o e Guerra Fria: a ONU, os Estados Unidos e a crise do Congo (1960-1963)
Rela??es Internacionais (R:I) , 2011,
Abstract: during the eisenhower administration american policy towards the european colonies in black africa went through a number of tactical options including the maintainance of its anti-colonial traditions. in the congo the international pressure were accompanied by the development of political opposition to the continuation of belgian colonial rule which had been established in the process of taking over king leopold?s congo?s free state.
Eisenhower, Portugal e o ?ano da áfrica? nas Na??es Unidas
Rela??es Internacionais (R:I) , 2011,
Abstract: in 1960 washington was progressively forced to clarify its traditionally ambiguous position towards the colonial problem. this was the case of portugal, whose colonial policy was under a great pressure at the un. it was amid the state department that this ambiguity became more evident. in the end, it was the president eisenhower who played a decisive role solving the dilemma.
About-Face: The United States and Portuguese Colonialism in 1961
Luís Nuno Rodrigues
E-Journal of Portuguese History , 2004,
Abstract: In 1961, the Kennedy Administration decided to adopt a new African policy, supporting self-determination and independence. This change occurred while the war against Portuguese colonial rule erupted in Angola. Acting in accordance with the principles adopted by the administration, the American Ambassador in Lisbon informed the Portuguese government of this new policy and recommended the urgent adoption of reforms in the Portuguese territories in Africa. When, in March, the situation in Angola was brought to debate in the United Nations, the United States voted in favor of a defeated resolution condemning Portuguese colonialism. Needless to say, this action provoked a serious crisis in Portuguese-American relations.
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