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Pour une autre lecture de la guerre de Gaza
Jean-Fran?ois Legrain
EchoGéo , 2009,
Abstract: En décalage avec les idées re ues habituellement, l'Auteur propose une relecture de l'offensive l’armée israélienne dans la bande de Gaza (27 décembre 2008-21 janvier 2009) tant des justifications de son déclenchement avancées par le gouvernement israélien que sur l’approche de son bilan menée en termes de victoire palestinienne. Considérant qu'elle s'inscrit dans une logique israélienne consistant à tout mettre en uvre pour repousser sine die tout accord sur le fond avec les Palestiniens, il suggère que la force réelle ou alléguée de Hamas est utilisée par le gouvernement israélien pour justifier auprès de la communauté internationale en termes de lutte contre le terrorisme une politique en réalité visant à détruire toute institutionnalisation du nationalisme palestinien. This article is an attempt to explore new schemes for the full understandig of what was the challenge in the last war in Gaza’s Strip. Between December 27th and January 21st nothing less than 1330 people died while 5450 others remained injuried on the Palestinian side. Ten Israeli soldiers and three civilians died in the meantime. This article is an interpretation of the Israeli way of managing the image of the Palestinian resistance movment in years, through the Muslim Brothers, FATHA, and now Hamas, as a danger for democracy and the western world. The figure of the trouble maker is used in order to justify a long term conflict which end Israel is the only country capable to put an end to.
The Division of the Palestinians: Secular Nationalism versus Islamist Nationalism. From Islamism to Islam-Nationalism: The Case of Palestinian Hamas
Javier Travin
Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals , 2007,
Abstract: When we refer to the Palestinians, generally we do so in relation to the conflict they have with Israel. However, within Palestinian society, another dispute, of a politicoideological nature, maintains the duel between the Islamist movement of Hamas and the once all-powerful and hegemonic Fatah. This intra-Palestinian conflict, less virulent and less prominent in the media than the inter-Palestinian one, but of extreme violence from one minute to the next, is what is analysed in this article. The insertion of the Islamistmovement into the Palestinian political picture, above all since its victory in the first national election it presented itself in, completely changed the political scene, dominated up until then by the secular nationalists of Fatah. It also changed the tactics of Hamas, in resorting to the ballot box to win an election and govern an institution created by the Oslo Accords, which the group opposed when they were drawn up. This change in tactics demonstrates the evolution of Hamas, from a missionary islamism to a political one. Thepolitical action of Hamas, restricted to the land of Palestine and without disallowing its social and religious labour and its armed struggle converts the Islamism it represents into a Palestinian nationalist Islamism.
O Hamas no poder
Hussein Ali Kalout
Meridiano 47 : Boletim de Análise de Conjuntura em Rela??es Internacionais , 2006,
Abstract: a
A Elei o do Hamas e o Princípio Democrático
Meridiano 47 : Boletim de Análise de Conjuntura em Rela??es Internacionais , 2006,
Abstract: a
Hamas: uma nova oportunidade política ou um bloqueio no fim do túnel para a paz no Oriente Médio?
Meridiano 47 : Boletim de Análise de Conjuntura em Rela??es Internacionais , 2006,
Abstract: a
The Challenges of Warfare Facing the IDF in Densely Populated Areas
Gabi Siboni
Military and Strategic Affairs , 2012,
Abstract: Current assessments are that fighting in densely populated areas will be one of the main types of combat the IDF will face in the foreseeable future. This essay will focus on three points: one, the change in threats facing the State of Israel; two, the main characteristics of the military response necessitated by the change in the threat; and three, some components of the necessary method of action in such confrontations.
Stuart Reigeluth
Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals , 2011,
Abstract: In the Arab-Israeli conflict, the creation and maintaining of resistance groups, as well as their recurring confrontations with Israel, take place with greater intensity in the Palestinian territories and Lebanon. In the same way that the Palestine Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) was born out of the military occupation of the West Bank, Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip, the Lebanese Party of God (Hezbollah) emerged to counteract the presence of Israel and her allies in the south of Lebanon. The pressure exerted on Israel to leave the south of Lebanon (2000) and the Gaza Strip (2005) engendered massive popular support which resulted in victories in both municipal and national elections. Both armed Islamist groups shifted towards increasingly passive policies, though at the same time they continue to be condemned to ostracism by the United States and Europe, the rupture with the secular parties became deeper, and thus the solution was deferred: the creation of coalition governments respected by their own peoples. Today, this continues to be the greatest challenge to establishing democracy in the Middle East; in no other place is this more acute than in Palestine and the Lebanon.
Principles of Warfare in the Densely Populated Areas of Arab Non-State Entities
Shaul Mishal
Military and Strategic Affairs , 2012,
Abstract: In Israeli research there are two types of discourse regarding how to asses and judge warfare in densely populated areas: the normative discourse and the operative discourse. In Israel, the two types of discourse, the normative and operative, limit the value of feedback and trial and error mechanisms that allow for learning in real time about the enemy's multifaceted conduct and responses. Conspicuously absent is the interactive discourse with the non-state enemy, i.e, the willingness to look at oneself through the eyes of the enemy in the course of the fighting. This discourse exists among non-state organizations such as Hizbollah and Hamas. This essay discusses three articles dealing with Operation Defensive Shield and Operation Cast Lead that reflect the normative and operative discourses common in Israel. It will also discuss statements made by Hizbollah and Hamas leader that reflect the interactive discourse.
In Search of the Holy Grail: Can Military Achievements be Translated into Political Gains?
Ron Tira
Military and Strategic Affairs , 2010,
Abstract: Among military thinkers it is axiomatic that the purpose of utilizing military force is to realize a political end. According to American military doctrine the nish line of a military campaign is reached when the president no longer needs military tools in order to realize national goals. From the national-strategic end state de ned by the president, the military commander deduces the military end state required in order to realize the national end state. Still, the question remains: how is the compatibility between the military action and the desired political result achieved? The focus on military and political end states suggests that there is a near-scienti c formula that enables the engineering of a military end state that will, in a cause and effect relationship of sorts, produce the political end state. Moreover, the term “state” implies a new reality, stable and static. The term “end” indicates that the reality that is achieved is a conclusion to the military and political confrontation and allows for an exit strategy. But is this really the case? The purpose of this essay is to examine if these concepts and terms apply in Israel’s case, or if perhaps, at least in some contexts, more modest formulations are warranted. This essay will also examine how to better synchronize the military and political worlds.
Asymmetrical Warfare in the Gaza Strip: A Test Case
Dan Harel
Military and Strategic Affairs , 2012,
Abstract: When analyzing the relative forces of Israel and Hamas, it is obvious that the IDF is the more powerful: it comprises hundreds of thousands of soldiers, thousands of tanks, planes and ships. By contrast, Hamas is the seemingly weak side, as it has only tens of thousands of combatants and no heavy weapons. Clearly, one would think that when the two sides engage in battle the strong would win out over the weak. However, it is also clear that this is simply not the case. It would be a grave mistake to measure the relative force between the two sides by taking a superficial view. In fact, because of the weak side's need to confront the strong, Israel is dragged into confrontations on other plans that to a very great extent determine the outcome of the military engagement, not only at the tactical level but also and particularly at the systemic and strategic levels. This is the essence of an asymmetrical conflict. It therefore behooves us to investigate asymmetry. Asymmetry between entities is measured not only in terms of force but also exists in every aspect in which there is a difference in the nature of the conflicting sides, in their goals, power, methods of operation, and especially the rules of the game by which they play.
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