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Search Results: 1 - 10 of 16 matches for " Audron Jankait "
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Investigation of temperature dynamics in composted waste
Pranas Baltr nas , Audron Jankait
Ekologija , 2008, DOI: 10.2478/V10055-008-0010-4
Abstract: Waste management is a relevant issue for Lithuania. The municipal waste collection systems are not efficient, the equipment is worn out. The majority of waste that could be reused is disposed in the landfills. One of waste utilisation ways is composting. However, in Lithuania composting is not widely spread, there are just a few enterprises composting food, wood and vegetable wastes. One of such enterprises uses film to accelerate the aerobic process. At the beginning of the aerobic process, the temperature does not rise within the pile for several days, but on the fourth day of the process the temperature starts rising and its recording begins. During 32 days of the aerobic process the temperature in the pile increases to 65-72 °C. On average, 7% of oxygen is necessary for the aerobic process of composting to take place.
Homerinis himnas Demetrai: mito alegorija ir anro tradicija. The Homeric hymn to Demeter: the allegory of the myth and the tradition of the genre
Audron? Kudulyt?-Kairien?
Literatura , 2008,
Abstract: The article deals with the Homeric hymn to Demeter, composed in the late seventh century B. C. This hymn tells how Hades, lord of the Underworld, abducted the goddess Persephone and how her mother, Demeter, the goddess of vegetation and fruitfulness, forced Zeus to allow her daughter to return to the earth for a part of each year. The myth about the rape of Persephone can be interpreted as an allegory for ancient Greek marriage. The Greeks felt that marriage was a sort of abductionof the bride by the groom from the bride’s family. After marriage girls accepted their new role in society and did not return to their mothers. The hymn was written from a feminine point of view. The creative potential of female wrath is emphasized in the poem. Some scholars argue that the hymn to Demeter derived from a female oral tradition and that it could be composed by a woman. The analysis of the hymn made in the recent article contradicts this suggestion as it reveals that some patterns and scenes could be borrowed from the epic tradition. The type scenes in the hymn are used in much the same way that they are used in the Iliad and Odyssey.
Ciceronas apie vertim . K mums atskleid ia od i reik m s | Cicero about Translation: Exploring the Meaning of Words
Audron? Ku?inskien?
Literatura , 2012,
Abstract: The author of the article reveals Cicero’s attitude towards translation, exploring some passages from his rhetorical and philosophical treatises which deal with translation from Greek to Latin, and paying most attention to the usage of words with the mean-ing “translate, translator”.To conclude, the regular Latin verb for “to trans-late” (con)vertere in Cicero’s usage implies neither the accuracy or literalism of translation. For a close literal translation he uses interpretari or such ex-pressions as ad verbum (verbum de verbo verbum e verbo, ad verbum) exprimere, verbum pro verbo reddere. The verbs exprimere, explicare, reddere are used more or less metaphorically to express various aspects of translation from Greek, which includes also a free interpretation of the original and borrow-ing some elements from the original. According to our observations, Fin. I. 7 is the only case in Cicero’s extant scripts, as well as the first in Latin literature, when the verb transferre, while meaning “to trans-fer, to borrow, to use in context” comes closest to vertere. By contrast, the authors of I–II AD, such as Seneca, Pliny the Elder and the Younger, Quintilian use the word transferre with the meaning of transla-tion quite regularly.We argue that when Cicero calls himself not in-terpres, sed orator, he tries to indicate first of all not the closeness or freedom of translation, but rather the rhetorical power of his text. He is not afraid to use a word in not a very common sense, or two words for one in the original, or to create a new one if necessary, which may seem too bold for the interpretes indiserti not so skilled and well-trained in rhetorics. Cicero approached his work of translation without any pre-conceived rules, and the main standard referred to is his own taste based on the ruling principle of rhetor-ics – decorum, aptum, prepon – i.e. appropriateness. Cicero, as a translator as well as an orator, matches every word, rhetorical figure and phrase to the style, conception and situation of the work in order to ex-press most effectively vim orationis. In other words, converti ut orator means converti optime.Yet more, to translate as orator means to con-vey to the reader the original function of the source text and to make it act in the new cultural context of the translation language. In the case of De optimo genere oratorum, the Latin translation of the Dem-osthenes’ and Aeschines’ orations must become a weapon in Cicero’s polemics with the Neoatticists and persuade the Roman audience to value critically their limited eloquence. A really good translati
Divinacija prie Cecilij Cicerono retorikos kontekste. Divinatio in Caecilium in the context of Cicero’s rhetoric
Audron? Ku?inskien?
Literatura , 2010,
Abstract: In the well known episode in the Divination against Caecilius (Divinatio in Caecilium) 27–46, Cicero, assuming the role of a teacher, expounds issues of rhetoric to his opponent. In this article the following points are examined: 1) the relation of this episode to the theory of rhetoric of the time, as represented in the unknown author’s Rhetorica ad Herennium and Cicero’s De inventione, which he wrote as a young man; 2) the repercussions of this episode in Cicero’s later works of rhetoric; 3) the relation of this episode to the other speeches against Verres.In Div. Caec. 27–46, Cicero does not try to set forth his material systematically and sequentially, as it is customary in rhetorical treatises, but directs his attention first at the moral qualities of a good orator, as well as on his education and the innate personal traits that form a perfect orator. This allows us to connect the Divination against Caecilius with Cicero’s later treatises on rhetoric, in particular De oratore. Being a supporter of philosophical rhetoric, Cicero disdains the traditional Hellenistic manuals that expound rhetorical technique. He does not try to teach these things – which would be the aim of a rhetoric manual – but he presumes that his audience would understand them from the small hints about the topics that must be recognised as coming from the school of rhetoric. Such a stance corresponds well to the spirit of the treatise De oratore: in that work, Cicero does not teach rules and does not explain rhetorical technique either, but, having mastered these things perfectly himself, he addresses his work to those readers who know the art of rhetoric and who would certainly recognise and appreciate the hints on the art of rhetoric, which are scattered through the text rather than explicitly demonstrated.In the episode Div. Caec. 27–46, Cicero uses va-rious rhetorical figures copiously and inventively. It is obvious that, in explaining the issues of eloquence to Caecilius, he tries not only to belittle his opponent, but also to reveal his own knowledge and skills in rhetori-cal technique, so proving himself a worthy opponent to Hortensius. Thus the instruction of Caecilius is not merely the teaching of rhetoric, but also its practical application. Moreover, Cicero inveigles his audience into a certain game, by allowing them to recognise in his precepts to Caecilius the phrasing of the rules of the rhetorical school, as well as to appreciate their masterful application in Cicero’s own speech. In this way Cicero consciously appeals to the education of the audience, by subsumin
Cicerono Tryliktoji filipika: dialogas su nesan iu mogumi. Cicero’s Thirteenth Philippic: dialogue with an absent person
Audron? Ku?inskien?
Literatura , 2009,
Abstract: The publication consists of the first published transla-tion of Cicero’s Thirteenth Philippic into Lithuanian, accompanied by an article which analyses the use of the letter by Mark Antony in this speech (Phil. XIII, 22–48).In the Thirteenth Philippic, whose main purpose is to characterise Mark Antony and his followers, one can detect more traits of an invective than in any other Philippic. This is what makes this speech stand out in the whole set of the Philippics, and makes it close to the Second Philippic, which is not a speech in the strict definition of the genre, but a political pamphlet and a specimen of a Roman invective. The conventions of a Roman invective, which allow for unrestrained denigration of the opponent, and strong exaggeration or even distortion of facts, create certain patterns, repetitive places (loci communes, topoi). In this way the usual sallies against one’s personal life, family, habits and vices become formulaic and ineffective. This is why Cicero chooses more subtle forms of derision, as if transgressing the boundaries of the traditional obloquy: in the Second Philippic he creates an impression of a comedy by making Mark Antony to appear as character of a comedy, and in the Thirteenth Philippic Cicero characterises him by quoting and commenting on his letter.The Thirteenth Philippic stands out in several aspects. Firstly, since a letter is being quoted, one can speak of a fusion of two distinct literary genres, both in their nature close to dialogue, and of maximum use of the possibilities offered by the dialogue genre. Also, the genre of a letter itself is of dialogic nature and, as well as an orator’s speech and a diatribe, can be considered a borderline phenomenon between a dialogue and a monologue.Secondly, the Thirteenth Philippic is probably the unique extant instance of dialogic quoting not only among Cicero’s speeches but also in the whole Roman rhetoric, when another author’s text, in this case, the letter of Mark Antony, is quoted in its entirety. If we excerpt the quotations of the letter from the text of the speech and join them together, we get a coherent, logical, and complete text of the letter. Starting with the salutation, Cicero successively reads the whole of the letter, inserting his ironic remarks between the passages. The speaker not just conveys the contents of the quoted document, but he disputes with the text of the quotation, as if engaged into a dialogue with it. An alien phrase, surrounded by such context, inevitably becomes involved into dialogic relations, and any shade of meaning can be imposed
Mitas apie Hil helenistin je poezijoje | The Myth of Hylas in Hellenistic Poetry
Audron? Kudulyt?-Kairien?
Literatura , 2012,
Abstract: The article deals with the myth of Hylas in hellenis-tic poetry. According to the myth, Hylas was a young companion of Heracles. When Heracles joined the expedition of the argonauts, he took Hylas into the ship. On the coast of Mysia, Hylas went out to fetch water for Heracles, but was kidnapped by nymphs of the spring and vanished without a trace. The story Hylas’seduction of was popular from at least hel-lenistic times until late antiquity. The poet Nicander (II cent. B. C.) in his lost work Heteroioumena made this myth aetiological, explaining how the nymphs abducted Hylas and turned him into the echo. The most famous description of this myth was made by Theocritus, Idyll XIII. Apparently, the story of argo-nauts and Hylas was treated by Callimachus in his lost poem Aetia. It was treated, at great length and with many details and digressions, in the first book of Argonautica (I. 1187–1357). This episode is re-garded as one of the most important scenes of Apol-lonius Rhodius’ poem. It is abundantly clear that there is a close relantionship between Theocritus’ Idyll XIII and the Hylas’ episode in Argonautica. The problem concerning the priority the Hylas-treatments of Apol-lonius and Theocritus is discussed in narrative, stylis-tical, linquistic aspects, and a conclusion is made that it was Theocritus who wrote about Hylas first.
Cicerono Ketvirtoji Filipika: monologo virsmas dialogu | Cicero’s Forth Philippic: monologue into dialogue
Audron? Ku?inskien?
Literatura , 2007,
Abstract: The publication consists of the first published translation of Cicero’s Fourth Philippic into Lithuanian, accompanied by an article which analyses the phenomenon of dialogicity in the rhetorical speech as a literary genre. The reaction of the audience, incorporated into the text of the speech, creates the semblance of a dialogue between the orator and his listeners. The Fourth Philippic is the best extant example of this phenomenon, as the reaction of the audience here functions not only in certain individual episodes of the speech, as is the case in other Cicero’s speeches, but becomes the principal rhetorical device on which the whole strategy of the speech is built. We argue that by emphatic interpretation of the audience’s reaction as full and unanimous assent to his statements, Cicero intends to theatrically convey the main message of the speech: the apparent consensus between the people and the senate, as well as his own role as the leader of the Roman people.
Nec ut interpres, sed ut orator: Ciceronas – vert jas. Nec ut interpres, sed ut orator: Cicero the translator
Audron? Ku?inskien?
Literatura , 2011,
Abstract: The article deals with one of the less known areas of Cicero’s work: his translations from Greek into Latin. Such an inquiry on the one hand enriches our knowledge of the author and his attitude toward the Greek original texts; and on the other hand it adds to research into the theory of translation in Antiquity, because Cicero, without doubt, had a great influence on later authors in this field.It is usual to group Cicero’s translations chrono-logically into two main groups, the first belonging to his youth, and the second to the period of his philosophical writings. Without abandoning this principle, in this article we propose a different clas-sification according to the purpose of the translation and the translator’s intention: whether the translation had an educational or didactic purpose, whether it was a complete translation or one only of excerpts, and whether it was intended to function as a separate piece of literature or to be incorporated into Cicero’s own treatises.Translations in both prose and verse were part of the rhetorical training of students, the purpose of which was not to learn foreign languages, but to in-crease competence in one’s own language. Transla-tion was thought to sharpen the mind and to develop the virtutes dicendi necessary for a good orator. For Cicero himself it was one of the means of elevat-ing the Latin language to the level of Greek language and style. Understood in this way, translation was not simple imitation, but a form of cultural enrich-ment. Besides, some of his translations were meant to introduce a notable work by a Greek author to his fellow countrymen, or sometimes to serve as a rhe-torical example for young orators and the critics of Ciceronian eloquence.Cicero uses translated excerpts from Greek au-thors, mainly Plato, widely in his philosophical trea-tises, incorporating them in various ways into his own text. In creating a Roman philosophical prose he regards himself as aemulus Platonis; not simply his disciple or imitator, but rather his rival. It is this aemulatio that reveals a principal aspect of Roman literature as a whole: adopting and using Greek ma-terial and forms to create an essentially new form and, if possible, to surpass the original.Cicero approached his work of translation with the rhetorical principle of suitability (decorum), avoiding, on the one hand, a word-for-word render-ing, and on the other, excessive looseness. Cicero, as an orator as well as a translator, matches every word, rhetorical figure and phrase to the style, conception and situation of the work. This is, to my mind
Cicerono santykis su graikais ir j kultūra | Cicero’s attitude to Greeks and their culture
Audron? Ku?inskien?
Literatura , 2006,
Abstract: In this article certain aspects of the following problems are discussed: Cicero’s controversial attitude to the Greeks; the traits of the Greek national character as portrayed in Cicero’s works, as well as Cicero’s ambivalent appreciation of the Greek art and literature.The principle of odi et amo clearly shows itself in Cicero’s attitude to the Greeks, both his contemporaries and the ancients, their art and literature. Cicero felt he owed an enormous debt to his Greek education, considering himself as an inheritor of their culture, and yet he denounced it at every opportunity and tried to emphasise the superiority of the Roman ancestors against the Greeks. He greatly appreciated Greek literature and yet he wished he could manage without it, because the Greek literary standards made him aware of what Roman literature should be.The main national traits ascribed to the Greeks in Cicero’s speeches ant letters are the lack of trustworthiness (fides), unreliability (levitas), and vanity (vanitas) as opposed to the Roman dignity (dignitas) and gravity (gravitas).We argue that in evaluating Cicero’s attitude to the Greeks it is especially important to take into account the genre of those Cicero’s works from which we derive our knowledge about his views. His speeches as well as his treatises are intended for the public audience, so the author tries to portray himself in accordance with the public expectations, while his private correspondence, especially the letters to Atticus, reveals his personal views, not restricted by the public opinion. As we have shown in this article, in his speeches Cicero tries to conceal his expertise in the Greek art and literature, as this would not fit his Roman dignity. On the other hand, in his private life, as it appears from his letters to Atticus, he eagerly seeks pieces of Greek art to decorate his villas.This seeming inconsistency of Cicero’s views, however, can be partly explained as follows. It is to be borne in mind that Cicero’s criterion for the selection of the Greek statues is neither their artistic value nor the renown of the sculptor, but their suitability for the particular place they are intended to decorate. This principle of suitability for the purpose (decorum, aptum, pV#pon) is also claimed by Cicero to be one of the fundamentals of the art of rhetoric (Cic. Or. 70; De orat. III. 210). In another words, the selection and the functional application of the Greek pieces of art in his villas have the purpose to reveal the same Roman dignity, which Cicero declares in his speeches.
Tragedijos p dsakai Moscho kūryboje | Traces of the Influence of Attic Tragedy on the Poetry of Moschus
Audron? Kudulyt?-Kairien?
Literatura , 2004,
Abstract: The article deals with the role of Classical Greek tragedies in the Hellenistic period and their influence on the poetry of that period. The importance of Hellenistic drama was much less than that of Classical drama. Old tragedies were performed, studied and edited during all the Hellenistic period. The poets of that period are known as poetae docti, they had got a good knowledge of the poetry of the past centuries. One of the Hellenistic poets Moschus lived and wrote during the second century B. C. He was grammarian, a pupil of Alexandrian philologist Aristarchus. Like many others Hellenistic poets, Moschus wrote bucolic poetry, short epic poems and epigrams. His language is very closely Homeric. The analysis of the poets’ short epic poems Megara and especially his masterpiece Europe reveals that Moschus was derivative author and used many litterary sources, not only Homer and Hellenistic poetry (Theocritus, Apollonius Rhodius), but an Attic tragedy as well. The traces of influence of Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides on Moschus’ poetry are analysed (Aesch. Pers. 181–187; Soph. frg. 881; Eur. frg. 820 etc.).
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