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Políticos do Brasil: partidos e patrim nio na Camara dos Deputados (1995-2002) = Brazilian politicians: parties and financial resources of the Chamber of Deputies (1995-2002)  [cached]
Riberti Almeida Felisbino
Acta Scientiarum : Human and Social Sciences , 2010,
Abstract: Este artigo analisa o patrim nio dos membros pertencentes à elite parlamentar da Camara dos Deputados nos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Os parlamentares desse grupo desempenham importantes atividades, conduzem às negocia es e às decis es no interior da Camara dos Deputados e ocupam os principais postos-chave da casaLegislativa. Os principais resultados obtidos foram: a) muitos dos parlamentares têm um patrim nio abaixo de R$ 200 mil, b) os que possuem um patrim nio entre R$ 500 mil a 2 milh es pertencem aos principais partidos da base de sustenta o do Presidente daRepública e c) para alguns partidos ocorreu crescimento patrimonial. O recorte temporal de análise foi o período entre os anos de 1995 a 2002 e a técnica de coleta de dados foi baseada no método biográfico. This paper analyzes, for the 1995-2002 period, the personal financial resources of the members of the parliamentary elite of the Chamber of Deputies during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso terms. The members of this select group occupy the main key positions, carry out important activities and have influence on the main decisions of the Chamber of Deputies. The results were: a) most of them have financialresources lower than R$ 200,000; b) the main parties of the coalition, which give support to the Executive power, have financial resources between R$ 500,000 and 2 million; and c) there was a growth in financial resources for some political parties. The methodologicalprocedure used involved the analysis of biographical data.
A educa??o no governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso
Durham, Eunice Ribeiro;
Tempo Social , 1999, DOI: 10.1590/S0103-20701999000200013
Abstract: this work presents the evolution of the educational system during the government of fernando henrique cardoso, in the context of the transformations occurred in the last decade. the data demonstrates a clear progress in elementary education and the article analyses the implemented educational policy and the transformation, which occurred in the system during this time. a special part is dedicated to college, and it is demonstrated the existence of a crisis which affects the public institutions, mainly the federal ones. it also shows the headway in the process of evaluation of the system.
A reforma agrária no segundo mandato de Fernando Henrique Cardoso
Martins, José de Souza;
Tempo Social , 2003, DOI: 10.1590/S0103-20702003000200006
Abstract: during fernando henrique cardoso's first term in office, the agrarian policy underwent significant changes that marked his second term, as of when raul jungmann was appointed minister of agricultural development. agrarian reform finally encountered its subject, subsistence crop farming, and the state found its agrarian mission as manager of the territory. thus, the concrete foundations for the exercise of the social function of landownership were established, and the state recovered, in practice, the eminent domination of the country's territory. one of the important provisions was the annulment of irregular land deeds regarding 60 million hectares. the government determined it to be the prerogative of the state to make routine redistribution of concentrated land and to regulate and assure landownership rights associated to the double alternatives of two cohabitating agricultural models: agro-business and subsistence farming.
O gênero do discurso parlamentar: mulheres e homens na tribuna da camara dos deputados
Miguel, Luis Felipe;Feitosa, Fernanda;
Dados , 2009, DOI: 10.1590/S0011-52582009000100006
Abstract: data from a sample of nearly 12 thousand speeches on the floor of the brazilian house of representatives from 1999 to 2006 show that brazilian congresswomen expound on different issues as compared to their male counterparts. does this reflect a different perspective by women, as some contend, or does the insulation of congresswomen within these issues represent the reinforcement of a stereotype that impedes their access to central positions in the political field? in the latter case, the difference is due not to a distinct female sensitivity, but to the limited opportunities open to women in the political field. in other words, the themes that are most permeable to women's presence are associated with the least prestigious positions. this establishes a political division of labor, relegating congresswomen to the positions least amenable to the accumulation of political capital.
Ideologia, democracia e comportamento parlamentar: a Camara dos Deputados (1991-1998)
Leoni, Eduardo;
Dados , 2002, DOI: 10.1590/S0011-52582002000300002
Abstract: in this work we apply quantitative methods to recover the individual preferences of brazilian representatives, as expressed in their nominal votes in the 49th and 50th legislatures. the method assumes both the rational choice and spatial theories of voting. empirical analyses show that brazilian representatives can be accurately positioned in a single ideological continuum that reflects, in part, the consensus of brazilian politics observers: members of the partido dos trabalhadores (pt - workers? party) are positioned at the extreme left and those of the frente liberal (pfl - liberal front) at the opposite end. the partido da social democracia brasileira (psdb - party of the brazilian social democracy), in turn, moved from a center-left position in the 49th legislature to the right, in the 50th. additional dimensions contribute very little to the explanatory capacity of the model. the spatial positioning of representatives of a same party vary significantly, and the paramount quality of the statistical model used is its capacity to provide us with a spatial interpretation of this variation. the first dimension is rather stable in both legislatures. circumstantial evidence is raised to support the hypothesis that these dimensions reflect the relationship between the executive and the legislative branches of government. during this period, the presidents of the republic were located at the extreme right of the political space.
Ideologia, democracia e comportamento parlamentar: a Camara dos Deputados (1991-1998)  [cached]
Leoni Eduardo
Dados , 2002,
Abstract: In this work we apply quantitative methods to recover the individual preferences of Brazilian representatives, as expressed in their nominal votes in the 49th and 50th legislatures. The method assumes both the rational choice and spatial theories of voting. Empirical analyses show that Brazilian representatives can be accurately positioned in a single ideological continuum that reflects, in part, the consensus of Brazilian politics observers: members of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT - Workers? Party) are positioned at the extreme left and those of the Frente Liberal (PFL - Liberal Front) at the opposite end. The Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB - Party of the Brazilian Social Democracy), in turn, moved from a center-left position in the 49th legislature to the right, in the 50th. Additional dimensions contribute very little to the explanatory capacity of the model. The spatial positioning of representatives of a same party vary significantly, and the paramount quality of the statistical model used is its capacity to provide us with a spatial interpretation of this variation. The first dimension is rather stable in both legislatures. Circumstantial evidence is raised to support the hypothesis that these dimensions reflect the relationship between the Executive and the Legislative branches of government. During this period, the Presidents of the Republic were located at the extreme right of the political space.
Fernando Henrique Cardoso: The Astuzia Fortunata of Brazil’s Sociologist-President La Astuzia Fortunata de Fernando Henrique Cardoso
Laurence Whitehead
Journal of Politics in Latin America , 2009,
Abstract: Even in the Renaissance, there were not that many Renaissance men. But if it was hard to live many lives in one even for the best placed of Renaissance Europe it is surely harder in contemporary republican Brazil. And yet Fernando Henrique Cardoso or FHC achieved it. How was this possible and at what cost in terms of conflict between the different specialized roles he occupied? What does this tell us about “politics as a vocation” in twenty-first century democratic Brazil? And what light does it shed on the scope for and limit of political leadership in contemporary democracies? To understand how choices are made we need to consider what motivated the career; what baggage the leader brought into office; what team of ministers were assembled and how their talents were used; what rivals (or enemies) spurred the leader into self-definition; what ethics were in play. These strands are not arbitrary or beyond systematic analysis. They are what mostly explain how democratic leaders behave, one of the most vital dimension of democratic performance. Fernando Henrique Cardoso o FHC puede ser considerado un hombre del Renacimiento en el Brasil contemparáneo republicano. Cómo es posible y a cual costo en forma de conflicto entre los diferentes roles especializados que ocupó? Qué nos puede decir sobre "la política como una vocación" en el Brasil democrático del siglo veintiuno y sobre el margen o límite del liderazgo político en democracias contemporáneas? Para entender las deciciones tomadas tenemos que considerar qué motivó la carrera; qué "equipaje" el líder trajo al oficio; qué equipo de ministros fue instituido y cómo se usaron sus talentos; qué rivales (o enemigos) incentivaron la auto-definición del líder; qué sistema de ética se implementa. Estos ramales políticos no son arbitrarios o más allá de un análisis sistemático. Son lo que más explican como líderes democráticos se conducen, una de las dimensiones más vitales de la calidad democrática.
A política educacional do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso: uma vis?o comparada
Durham, Eunice Ribeiro;
Novos Estudos - CEBRAP , 2010, DOI: 10.1590/S0101-33002010000300009
Abstract: the article offers a comparative analysis of the educational policies of president fernando henrique cardoso (1995-2003) taking as reference the period between 1992-2008. it demonstrates the great progress towards the universalization of basic education, the expansion of higher education and the reforms based on a new educational law. it also analyses the importance of the implementation of a comprehensive system of evaluation of all levels of education. finally it analyzes the problems related to the improvement of education quality.
A reforma da previdência no Brasil: estudo comparativo dos governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Lula
Nakahodo, Sidney Nakao;Savoia, José Roberto;
Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais , 2008, DOI: 10.1590/S0102-69092008000100003
Abstract: after reaching macroeconomic stability while privatizing state companies and implementing other first generation reforms, brazil has tried to balance its fiscal budget by promoting a series of second generation reforms. the present paper discusses the political processes involved in one of the most critical of these, i.e. the reform of the pension system. by comparing the pension reforms enacted under fernando henrique cardoso and luiz inácio lula da silva, we try to understand how actors, preferences, and strategies shaped the final amendments approved in 1998 and 2003, respectively. we conclude that institutions have been crucial elements in the characterization of winners (present civil servants) and losers (the overall population and the future civil servants).
Interpreta es do Brasil: uma análise comparativa entre as ideias de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Caio Prado Júnior  [PDF]
Diogo Del Fiori
Estudos do CEPE , 2011,
Abstract: Este artigo prop e fazer uma compara o entre a vis o de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Caio Prado Junior, identificando pontos de convergência entre as ideias de ambos os autores quando comparados com a interpreta o do PCB, que defende a existência de restos feudais no Brasil e consequentemente uma revolu o democrático – burguesa de conteúdo anti-feudal e anti-imperialista com foco na defesa da independência nacional. Para Caio Prado Junior, nunca houve feudalismo e o Brasil sempre esteve sujeito ao imperialismo e Fernando Henrique Cardoso argumenta a rela o de dependência da burguesia nacional perante a burguesia internacional. O ponto de divergência entre ambos os autores é o período em que o Brasil é subordinado, sendo que para Caio Prado Junior é desde a coloniza o, com o imperialismo realizando seu domínio e épocas posteriores como a época do império e república e para Fernando Henrique Cardoso a partir da década de 1960 com a instala o das multinacionais. Abstract This article proposes a comparison between the vision of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Caio Prado Junior, identifying points of convergence between the ideas of both authors when compared with the interpretation of the PCB, which asserts the existence of feudal remnants in Brazil and consequently a revolution democratic - bourgeois content of anti-feudal and anti-imperialist with a focus on defense of national independence. For Caio Prado Júnior, there was never feudalism and Brazil has always been subject to imperialism and Fernando Henrique Cardoso argues the dependence of the national bourgeoisie against the international bourgeoisie. The point of divergence between both authors is the period in which Brazil is subordinate, and for Caio Prado Junior has since colonization, imperialism with its rule making and later times as the era of empire and republic, and for Fernando Henrique Cardoso from the 1960s with the installation of multinationals.
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