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Catalonia: Federalism or Secession?  [PDF]
Ramón Máiz, Nieves Lagares, María Pereira
Open Journal of Political Science (OJPS) , 2018, DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2018.84031
Abstract: Is there a political space for a possible federal accommodation of the demands of self-government in Catalonia and how is it configured? In order to answer these questions, we address first the conceptualization of federalism, and then, from an evolutionary perspective, we focus on the “Catalan issue” and its institutional outputs. The general assumption, in political and media discourse, namely, that “being in favour of the independence process”, “wanting to separate from Spain” and “being nationalist” constitute a single argument and mean exactly the same, has served to conceal a debate that is very complex, plural and full of nuances. We pose an analysis that pivots on the identity question and the type of political-territorial solution, the importance of the different leaderships in the process and the party identification with respect to the constructive nature of the political preferences of the electors and their positioning on the issues.
Diverging tendencies in multidimensional secession
Soulier, Arne;Arkus, Natalie;Halpin-Healy, Tim;
Brazilian Journal of Physics , 2003, DOI: 10.1590/S0103-97332003000300024
Abstract: we review mean-field and fluctuation-dominated behaviors exhibited by the seceder model, which moves an evolving population to various critical states of self-organized segregation, delicately balancing opposed sociological pressures of conformity & dissent, and giving rise to rich ideological condensation phenomena. the secession exponent and finite societal seceder limits are examined.
Diverging tendencies in multidimensional secession
Soulier Arne,Arkus Natalie,Halpin-Healy Tim
Brazilian Journal of Physics , 2003,
Abstract: We review mean-field and fluctuation-dominated behaviors exhibited by the Seceder Model, which moves an evolving population to various critical states of self-organized segregation, delicately balancing opposed sociological pressures of conformity & dissent, and giving rise to rich ideological condensation phenomena. The secession exponent and finite societal Seceder limits are examined.
The status of Kosovo – reflections on the legitimacy of secession  [cached]
Frank Dietrich
Ethics & Global Politics , 2010, DOI: 10.3402/egp.v3i2.1983
Abstract: On 17 February 2008, the province of Kosovo formally declared its independence from Serbia. The most important normative theories of secession—choice theories and just cause theories—appear to justify the creation of a second Albanian state on the Balkans. Kosovo's independence reflects the will of the vast majority of its inhabitants and can be seen as a remedy for grave human rights violations in the era of Slobodan Milo evi . Two problems, however, need to be thoroughly discussed. Firstly, the secession of Kosovo may establish a precedent for other separatist conflicts and contribute to the destabilization of south-east Europe and other world regions. Secondly, the new political authorities in Pristina may not be capable to protect the Serb minority against discrimination and repression. It is argued that both problems give no conclusive reasons to reject Kosovo's claim for independence. However, some aspects of the secession, for instance the maintenance of the provincial borders, are considered to be illegitimate.
Constructing Catalonia  [PDF]
Bill Phillips
Coolabah , 2009,
Abstract: Catalonia, in common with other nations, has long been concerned with thequestion of identity and difference. Its problematic relationship with Spain has led to anemphasis on differentiating itself from its larger neighbour (if we are to accept, as mostSpaniards do not, that Catalonia is not Spain), a situation complicated by the loss of theSpanish colonies of Cuba and The Philippines in 1898, and the Spanish Civil War andsubsequent dictatorship from 1936 to 1976. Beginning in the late nineteenth century, theconstruction of a Catalan identity followed a similar route to that taken by otherEuropean nations such as England, Ireland and, indeed, Spain, including an emphasis onrural values, activities and the countryside, and the conversion of specifically localtraditions into national past times. It is only in the last ten years or so that this model ofCatalan identity has been recognised for what it is – a model constructed andencouraged for and by specific nationalist political interests. Ironically, Catalonia’sidentity abroad has also been constructed and manipulated for political purposes, butfrom quite a different perspective. Orwell’s /Homage to Catalonia/ (1938) narrates anextremely blinkered version of the Spanish Civil War which has achieved iconic statusas a result of cold war politics. Subsequent portrayals of the Spanish Civil War –Valentine Cunningham’s /The Penguin Book of Spanish Civil War Verse/ (ed.),Penguin, 1980, or Ken Loach’s 1995 film /Land and Freedom/ base their argumentsunquestioningly on /Homage to Catalonia/, perpetuating a view of the nation’s recenthistory that is both reductive and inaccurate.
The international continuity of Serbia after secession of Montenegro  [PDF]
Mrdakovi?-Cvetkovi? Ru?ica
Medjunarodni Problemi , 2006, DOI: 10.2298/medjp0603326m
Abstract: The author deals with a set of questions that have emerged after the secession of the Republic of Montenegro from the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, and they are as follows: international legal continuity of Serbia, membership of the two now independent states in various international organizations, the issues concerning the succession between Serbia and Montenegro, regulation of various individual rights of the citizens from the former State Union, etc.
Some Considerations on Secession and Independence: The Cases of Kosovo and Georgia  [cached]
Stephen Neff
Amsterdam Law Forum , 2012,
Abstract: Stephen P. Neff distinguishes two a€ roads to the creation of a new state by way of secessiona€ : the a€ high roada€ a€“ which sees secession and independence as a positive right - and the a€ low roada€ a€“ which sees independence as a remedy for a delict committed by the a€ mother statea€ . Along these lines, Neff discusses Kosovo, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, while placing them in the broader temporal and political context. Neff draws from this discussion the conclusion that international law supports only the negative route to independence and not the positive one.
Secession Right – an Anti-Federal Principle? Comparative Study of Federal States and the EU  [cached]
Florentina Harbo Harbo
Journal of Politics and Law , 2009, DOI: 10.5539/jpl.v1n3p132
Abstract: This article argues that the secession right is incompatible with federalism. The right of secession is one of the main criteria to differentiate a federal state from a confederation and a Bund. There are only a few federal states that recognised the secession right in their constitutions and they failed. On the other hand, there are even confederations which did not accept a secession right in their treaties. The issue of secession has always been very controversial in the European Union, which is a Bund (federal polity), but its Treaties never included it. The radical change is the introduction of Art. I-60 in the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe (“Reform Treaty” now), which might give a new face to the EU if ever it is ratified.
The Mechanical Engineering Industry in Catalonia  [cached]
Santiago Riera-Tuèbols
Catalan Historical Review , 2008,
Abstract: After an introduction in which he gives a broad outline of industrialization in Catalonia and the Valencian Country, the author focuses on the manufacture of heavy machinery in Catalonia. This enables him to present the major factories which brought prestige to Catalonia, including Nuevo Vulcano, Alexander y Hermanos, and La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima. The account he gives of the locomotives made by La Maquinista (Spain’s largest locomotive manufacturer)provides an opportunity to define the modest scale of industrialization in Catalonia in comparison with other parts ofEurope. The author considers that the obstacles that hindered the country’s modernization were largely associated with excessive variety of output, brought about by deficient and relatively scarce demand, all of which accounts for the continual calls for protectionism made by Catalan industrialists.Even so, the author concludes that the only parts of Spain where it is possible to refer to industrialization in the 19th and early 20th centuries are Catalonia and the Basque Country.
Secessionist Urges in Catalonia: Media Indoctrination and Social Pressure Effects  [PDF]
Adolf Tobe?a
Psychology (PSYCH) , 2017, DOI: 10.4236/psych.2017.81006
Abstract: Recent tensions between Catalonian secessionism and Spanish central state erupted during the deep economic downturn that hit Southern European countries around 2010. The rapidly growing rise of a secessionist movement which demanded an immediate vote for self-determination became a major political conflict when the Regional Government decided to lead the claims to achieve secession using devices provided by Catalonian Statute of Autonomy (Home Rule). Different analyses have been used to understand such challenge: from comparisons about economic and fiscal inequalities among Spanish regions to descriptions of perceived neglect or mistreatment from the central State. Strategic models have been also applied to foresee plausible scenarios for the ongoing conflict. Despite their virtues, these attempts were unable to explain the abruptness of secessionism and they failed to identify the triggers that converted an old but convivial tension into a potentially damaging clash among neighbors. Here I present data pointing towards two psychological factors that have played an important role on the mounting wave of demands of self-determination: Intensive persuasion by local media and continuous social pressure through monopolizing the public space with secessionist symbols. If the present depiction is correct the recent secessionist campaign in Catalonia will be remembered as an example of mass indoctrination and social intimidation within a democratic context.
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