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An Example of Opposition Party in Turkish Political Life: The Freedom Party (1955-1958)
Diren ?akmak
Journal of Gazi Academic View , 2008,
Abstract: In the study, the place of the Freedom Party in Turkish political life is inspected. The Freedom Party was founded on 19 December 1955 by the opposing members of parliament of the Democrat Party. The Freedom Party dissolved itself and joined the Republican People’s Party on 24 November 1958. In spite of its short life, the Freedom Party was effectual in Turkish political life. In the study, the reasons behind that prepared the establishment of the Freedom Party, the program, basic views and activities of the Party are explained. With this study, it is aimed to enlighten the original opposition perception of the Freedom Party in Turkish political life
Morality versus competence in social perception of political candidates  [cached]
Alina Duduciuc
Sfera Politicii , 2012,
Abstract: Over the past 50 years, the experimental social psychology has shown that social actors organize their impressions of their interaction partners around two dimensions: competence and social-morality. Based on recent theoretical and experimental knowledge on the perception of candidates, we conduct two experiments (N=88) analyzing the extent to which these features, central in the perception of political actors, namely morality and competence, are potential determinants of the voting behaviour. The data of the research emphasized that individuals are more sensitive to negative information concerning the morality of politicians than their skills.
Political Party in Islamic Republic of Iran: A Review  [cached]
Hossein Asayesh,Adlina Ab. Halim,Jayum A. Jawan,Seyedeh Nosrat Shojaei
Journal of Politics and Law , 2011, DOI: 10.5539/jpl.v4np221
Abstract: The political party is a means of connecting the political process with society and it helps to improve the political system. This paper looks at the history of political parties in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, and also considers the two main official political party groups: the Right Party and the Left Party. The article describes how each party shapes its views and develops its programs, and finally examines their similarities and differences in the field of economics, politics and culture.
Indian Streams Research Journal , 2013,
Abstract: The Paper is an attempt to highlight the circumstances which favoured the NonBrahmin Movement otherwise called Dravidian Movement which had its birth in the form of the Justice Party. Many political events were connected with the genesis of the Justice Party which is considered the Mother of all the Dravidian Parties which dominated the Independent Tamil Nadu Political Scenario. The domination of the Brahmins, the role played by the Egmore-Mylapore groups and the Vembakkam Iyengar Family in all public and political services in the late half of the Nineteenth Century and in the first quarter of the Twentieth Century, the cultural renaissance ignited by Annie Besant all inculcated a sprit of adventurism in the mind of the elite non-Brahmin leaders who took steps to organize a political forum for the cause of Non-Brahmins. Hence the formation of the Justice Party.
Activist Model of Political Party Growth  [PDF]
Rebecca A. Jeffs,John Hayward,Paul A. Roach,John Wyburn
Physics , 2015, DOI: 10.1016/j.physa.2015.09.002
Abstract: The membership of British political parties has a direct influence on their political effectiveness. This paper applies the mathematics of epidemiology to the analysis of the growth and decline of such memberships. The party members are divided into activists and inactive members, where all activists influence the quality of party recruitment, but only a subset of activists recruit and thus govern numerical growth. The activists recruit for only a limited period, which acts as a restriction on further party growth. This Limited Activist model is applied to post-war and recent memberships of the Labour, Scottish National and Conservative parties. The model reproduces data trends, and relates realistically to historical narratives. It is concluded that the political parties analysed are not in danger of extinction but experience repeated periods of growth and decline in membership, albeit at lower numbers than in the past.
Plan to Restore the Vote: Ron Paul and the Third-Party Voting Dilemma  [cached]
Jonathan C. Anzur
Pitt Political Review , 2012, DOI: 10.5195/ppr.2012.24
Abstract: Texas Congressman and Republican presidential candidate Ron Paul has been a figure in American politics for more than 40 years. While Paul has commanded a dedicated support base composed of both liberals and conservatives, he remains well behind in the 2012 Republican primary race. This article examines the hypothetical case of a Ron Paul third-party presidential run, and the dilemma that voters face between voting conscientiously for Paul and voting strategically for the most electable and ideologically similar candidate.
Analysis of Mobile Users’ Perception towards SMS Voting  [cached]
NG KAI SIN,Ainin Sulaiman,Ali Hussein Saleh Zolait
Communications of the IBIMA , 2008,
Abstract: Voting through Short Message Service (SMS) technology is fast and reliable as the mobile technology in Malaysia is quite advanced. Most of the SMS voting mechanism is easily understood by the public. There is no need to explain the voting process in detail as almost 80% of the mobile users know how to use the SMS service. SMS voting is just another way of sending a vote to the recipient by using short code instead of using a normal mobile number. SMS voting provides a useful, secure and reliable process as mobile users are informed of the charges incurred and receive a return SMS to acknowledge that their SMS vote has been received. The objective of this study is to study the characteristics of SMS voting adopters in terms of demographic factors as well as to explore the mobile users’ perception towards SMS voting. A survey using questionnaires was conducted to gain information and opinions from a convenience sample of 300 Malaysian mobile users regarding their perceptions on using SMS to vote. The findings revealed that approximately two-thirds of the Malay respondents use SMS voting, most mobile users in the sample are single and female, and that mobile users like to send their votes using SMS. There is a significant difference between the usage of SMS voting among female respondents. Of the respondents 80 per cent perceive that the ease of use factor has greatly influenced mobile users in using SMS for voting purposes.
The drastic outcomes from voting alliances in three-party bottom-up democratic voting (1990 $\rightarrow$ 2013)  [PDF]
Serge Galam
Physics , 2013, DOI: 10.1007/s10955-012-0641-4
Abstract: The drastic effect of local alliances in three-party competition is investigated in democratic hierarchical bottom-up voting. The results are obtained analytically using a model which extends a sociophysics frame introduced in 1986 \cite{psy} and 1990 \cite{lebo} to study two-party systems and the spontaneous formation of democratic dictatorship. It is worth stressing that the 1990 paper was published in the Journal of Statistical Physics, the first paper of its kind in the journal. It was shown how a minority in power can preserve its leadership using bottom-up democratic elections. However such a bias holds only down to some critical value of minimum support. The results were used latter to explain the sudden collapse of European communist parties in the nineties. The extension to three-party competition reveals the mechanisms by which a very small minority party can get a substantial representation at higher levels of the hierarchy when the other two competing parties are big. Additional surprising results are obtained, which enlighten the complexity of three-party democratic bottom-up voting. In particular, the unexpected outcomes of local voting alliances are singled out. Unbalanced democratic situations are exhibited with strong asymmetries between the actual bottom support of a party and its associated share of power at the top leadership. Subtle strategies are identified for a party to maximize its hold on the top leadership. The results are also valid to describe opinion dynamics with three competing opinions.
Elections in a Multi-Party Political System  [PDF]
Yeolyong Sung
Theoretical Economics Letters (TEL) , 2011, DOI: 10.4236/tel.2011.12005
Abstract: In a multi-party political system, candidates’ policy points disperse in general even with two candidates when parties have different feasible policy sets. Also, it is shown that extremists can influence the political outcomes with a relatively small feasible policy set.
Voting Behaviour and Power in Online Democracy: A Study of LiquidFeedback in Germany's Pirate Party  [PDF]
Christoph Carl Kling,Jerome Kunegis,Heinrich Hartmann,Markus Strohmaier,Steffen Staab
Computer Science , 2015,
Abstract: In recent years, political parties have adopted Online Delegative Democracy platforms such as LiquidFeedback to organise themselves and their political agendas via a grassroots approach. A common objection against the use of these platforms is the delegation system, where a user can delegate his vote to another user, giving rise to so-called super-voters, i.e. powerful users who receive many delegations. It has been asserted in the past that the presence of these super-voters undermines the democratic process, and therefore delegative democracy should be avoided. In this paper, we look at the emergence of super-voters in the largest delegative online democracy platform worldwide, operated by Germany's Pirate Party. We investigate the distribution of power within the party systematically, study whether super-voters exist, and explore the influence they have on the outcome of votings conducted online. While we find that the theoretical power of super-voters is indeed high, we also observe that they use their power wisely. Super-voters do not fully act on their power to change the outcome of votes, but they vote in favour of proposals with the majority of voters in many cases thereby exhibiting a stabilising effect on the system. We use these findings to present a novel class of power indices that considers observed voting biases and gives significantly better predictions than state-of-the-art measures.
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