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Predicting Civic and Political Engagement: Family Socialization and Age-Group Differences
Terrolyn P. Carter
Sociation Today , 2009,
Abstract: Scholars suggest that there has been a significant decline in civic and political engagement among recent generations. Using data from the 2006 Civic and Political Health of the Nation survey, it is found that education, socioeconomic status and family socialization predict civic and political engagement during adulthood. In addition, a higher percentage of adults volunteer and vote more than young adults.
CURRENT PERFORMANCES IN CONSACRATED POLITICAL AND CIVIC STRATEGIES  [PDF]
?tefania Bejan
Revista de Economie Sociala , 2012,
Abstract: The concepts that can be turned operational in a double dilemma - a) on one hand we see, during the past months, on the local political scene, protest movements (in a purely legal sense) or, rather, an expression of the political will in severe forms, with whom we got accustomed from the Romanian political environment? b) on the other hand, they are totally divergent with the political partisanship and with the civic activism or, in precise contexts, we find the intersection area of the two? – this is not totally new for the investigators of the recent public space: protest represents merely only the right (recognized by the Constitution) to show your discontent in the public environment(without having the authorities intervene for this manifestation); violence is a characteristics of societies, and its symbolic “face” accompanies us during the entire history of mass-media (political violence presents itself as a species, discredited, now and then, due to the frequency, to the wear and tear of its generating mechanisms, to the repetitiveness of the players and the monotony of the speeches); political partisanship,quasi-tautological phrase, refers directly to the parti-pris, not leaving space for a certain inter-party-minded elegance (exception making the temporary alliances for obtaining power, the transfer of some politicians from a doctrinaire “area” to another, the support contracts made in the Parliament for some mutual beneficial laws, etc.); civic activism, another desideratum in its essence, for the fragile democracies of the post-totalitarian Eastern Europe (hereand there, now and then, voluntary impulses, with modest success and inevitable mistakes, with committed people and opportunists, like in any field of activity...)Placed, contextually speaking, in relationships of logical or affective type, these “cardinal points” of the political fight tactics lead to interpretation alternativesthat are fresh, particular, useful for the social post-Decemberspace who hopes for a deliberative democracy.
Political Perspectives in the Classroom. Results of Video Analyses in History and Civic Education
Beatrice Buergler,Jan Hodel
Journal of Social Science Education , 2010,
Abstract: Civic education is not taught as a separate subject at Swiss schools. In this context, it is of great interest to look for specific characteristics of how civic education can be observed as a cross-disciplinary subject in schools through video recordings. The empirical analysis is based on classroom observation in ninth grade classes in various Swiss cantons (Aargau, Bern, and Zurich) from 2003 to 2007. Criteria that allow the identification of elements of civic education in various school subjects are developed, the concept of “political perspective”. The analysis provides useful hints for planning and running classes where civic education is used as an overarching, cross-disciplinary approach. The concept of “political perspective” should not be taken as substitute for institutional knowledge. But the concept can rise above the function of an analytical tool and become a tool that serves the planning and designing of lessons. The perspective could as such be related to the postulate for epistemological knowledge.
On the Legitimacy of Political Communities
Peter Koller
Rationality, Markets and Morals , 2009,
Abstract: The paper consists of two parts. The first part deals with the normative legitimacy of political communities, such as states and confederations, in general, i.e. their acceptability in light of reasonable standards of efficiency, common good, and justice from the viewpoints of their members on the one hand (internal legitimacy) and their social surroundings on the other (external legitimacy). The requirements of both aspects of legitimacy are specified in a twofold way: as normative ideals and as minimum standards. As to the latter, a political community's legitimacy minimally requires that it effectively guarantees the fundamental human rights of its members and complies with certain basic precepts of a peaceful and generally beneficial international order. On this basis, the second part scrutinizes the legitimacy of the European Union with regard to its internal and external aspects. This attempt leads to a mixed result. Even though the EU can certainly be regarded, by and large, as a desirable project, it also suffers from a number of considerable defects that weaken its legitimacy.
Session at the Institut d'Estudis Catalans on the civic-political dimension of the oeuvre of historian Jaume Vicens Vives  [cached]
Catalan Historical Review , 2010,
Abstract: On the 18th of February 2010, the Institut d'Estudis Catalans (IEC) contributed to the celebrations of Jaume Vicens Vives Year, the year that marks the centennial of this historian’s birth, with an academic session entitled “Vicens Vives, Beyond the Historian” which examined his civic and political dimension.
Civic Engagement in Higher Education: Concepts and Practices
Glenn A. Bowen
Partnerships : A Journal of Service-Learning and Civic Engagement , 2012, DOI: 10.7253/partj.v0i0.436
Abstract: As the new millennium dawned, it became clear that American higher education had done some serious soul-searching in light of concerns that it was losing distinctiveness in pursuit of prestige. Moreover, many institutions began returning to their roots in response to exhortations to take a new leadership role in preparing students for active, responsible citizenship. Ernest Boyer struck a responsive chord when he proposed the scholarship of engagement as a means whereby the academy would employ its considerable resources to tackle the social, civic, and ethical problems that beset our communities (Boyer, 1996). In 1999, higher education leaders across the country articulated their commitment to the civic purposes of their institutions as vital agents and architects of a flourishing democracy (Campus Compact, 2000). The present decade has witnessed a widespread renewal of higher education’s historical commitment to public engagement and the growth of service-learning as a pedagogical approach to developing civic knowledge and skills. However, much work remains to be done. Social problems persist, locally and globally; today’s youth view political involvement with skepticism; civic learning is lacking, or lagging. That is the basis of Civic Engagement in Higher Education: Concepts and Practices.
THE INTEGRATIVE TENDENCIES OF THE CIVIC CULTURE IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION
Elena NEDELCU
Lex et Scientia , 2009,
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to explore the role of the civic culture and education in the globalization era. Recent sociological studies (G. Devin and others) infirm Norbert Elias’ hypothesis according to which the multiplication and the complicate “interdependent connexions” established generate a mechanical tendency towards the integration and even unification of the international communities. One has noticed that the mentioned interdependent relations lead to stable integration forms only if they are supported by an appropriate axiological-normative system: values, beliefs, democratic procedures. In other words, European integration must be supported by a political culture founded on knowledge, communication, civic involvement and tolerance. The major role attributed to civic culture in accomplishing social inclusion and in creating a “common identity” in the globalization era encourages and justifies the deep and multidimensional analysis that it is subject to, as well as it reveals the importance of performing research work in this field, thus bringing solid arguments for my option. The process of revealing its specific characteristics in a society that has experienced a tough transition process marked by an accentuated anomical state – as the Romanian society has – is not only epistemically but also socially and pragmatically useful. The results of the political culture pattern can direct the evolution and the intensity of the civical socialization process. In the first part of the paper I will analyse the “aggregate sovereignty” concept in the age of mondialization and in the second part integrating tendencies of civic culture in the globalization era.
Traditional Leadership and Independent Bantustans of South Africa: Some Milestones of Transformative Constitutionalism beyond Apartheid
SF Khunou
Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad , 2009,
Abstract: The institution of traditional leadership represents the early form of societal organisation. It embodies the preservation of culture, traditions, customs and values. This paper gives a brief exposition of the impact that the pre-colonial and colonial regimes had on the institution of traditional leadership. During the pre-colonial era, the institution of traditional leadership was a political and administrative centre of governance for traditional communities. The institution of traditional leadership was the form of government with the highest authority. The leadership monopoly of traditional leaders changed when the colonial authorities and rulers introduced their authority to the landscape of traditional governance.The introduction of apartheid legalised and institutionalised racial discrimination. As a result, the apartheid government created Bantustans based on the language and culture of a particular ethnic group. This paper asserts that the traditional authorities in the Bantustans of Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei seemed to be used by the apartheid regime and were no longer accountable to their communities but to the apartheid regime. The Bantustans’ governments passed various pieces of legislation to control the institution of traditional leadership, exercised control over traditional leaders and allowed them minimal independence in their traditional role. The pattern of the disintegration of traditional leadership seemed to differ in Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei. The governments of these Bantustans used different political, constitutional and legal practices and methods to achieve this disintegration. The gradual disintegration and dislocation of the institution of traditional leadership in these four Bantustans led to the loss of valuable knowledge of the essence and relevance of the institution of traditional leadership. One of the reasons for this anomaly emanated from the fact that undemocratic structures of government were established, commonly known as traditional authorities. More often than not these traditional institutions were mere puppet institutions operating on behalf of the Bantustan regime, granted token or limited authority within the Bantustan in order to extend the control of the Bantustan government and to curb possible anti-apartheid and anti-Bantustan-system revolutionary activity within traditional areas. The advent of the post-apartheid government marked the demise of apartheid and the Bantustan system for traditional leaders and the beginning of a new struggle for the freedom of the traditiona
The Debate over the Historical-Political Background of a Civic Multicultural Society
Israel Idalovichi
Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies , 2004,
Abstract: Ongoing political, military and social violence gives the impression that liberal ideas of freedom, democracy and multicultural society do not serve as a barrier to the shedding of blood. This paper shows that recognizing the way powerful interests color our conceptions of truth and value and need not automatically result in a purge of all existing social-political categories. Consequently, the paper addresses many of the ambiguities that a critique of ideology and values tends to evoke, paying special attention to the prevailing explanations of world power, violence and world peace in our contemporary reality, especially in the fields of sociology and ideology. The significance of several factors in the American Weltanschauung that have a major impact on life today have been examined.
The Debate over the Historical-Political Background of a Civic Multicultural Society
Israel Idalovichi
Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies , 2004,
Abstract: Environmental Quality Sciences; Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Israel.Ongoing political; military and social violence gives the impression that liberal ideas of freedom; democracy and multicultural society do not serve as a barrier to the shedding of blood. This paper shows that recognizing the way powerful interests color our conceptions of truth and value and need not automatically result in a purge of all existing social-political categories. Consequently; the paper addresses many of the ambiguities that a critique of ideology and values tends to evoke; paying special attention to the prevailing explanations of world power; violence and world peace in our contemporary reality; especially in the fields of sociology and ideology. The significance of several factors in the American Weltanschauung that have a major impact on life today have been examined.
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