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“属州视县,直隶州视府”:明清州制新解
The New Interpretation on the Administrative Operation of Zhou in the Ming and Qing Dynasties
 [PDF]

李大海
- , 2017,
Abstract: 摘要 明清时期的州制问题,可从体国经野和设官分职这两个既有联系又有差异的角度分别加以探讨。清廷通过取消隶府而领县的属州,实现了地方行政区划层级的简化。《明史·职官志》“知州掌一州之政。凡州二,有属州,有直隶州。属州视县,直隶州视府,而品秩则同”的记载,藉州政之别反映了以两类知州为代表的官僚在权力运作上的内涵与空间差异。本文依靠雍正时期针对属州进行大规模调整留下的文献记录,为揭示上述志文真相提供新的解说。笔者认为,“属州视县,直隶州视府”指属州知州虽领有知县,但因尚隶于知府,故所掌州政主要面向本州亲领编户,从牧民之官的角度可视与知县相埒。而直隶州知州因径隶于布政使,故州政主要是对所领知县的巡查管辖,从牧官之官的角度当与知府相仿。这是志文详于府、县之政,却独略于州政的原因。《清史稿·职官志》所谓“属州视县,直隶州视府”,已与明代乃至清初州制有所不同。
Abstract: This article focuses on the new interpretation of the administrative operation of Zhou in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. There were two kinds of Zhou: the“independent department”,and the“subordinate department”. By analyzing the process of the revision of the subordinate department during Yongzheng period,this research draws a new conclusion about the interpretation of an important literature. The subordinate department was regarded as a county and the independent department was regarded as prefecture,in Records of Officials in the Ming Dynastic History. This meant that the magistrate in a subordinate department was equivalent to a county magistrate and the responsibilities of a magistrate of an independent department was same of that of a magistrate of a prefecture.
《秦代政区地理》评介
甘忠银
地理学报 , 2009,
Abstract: 历史政区地理研究是中国传统舆地学的核心内容之一,也是现代历史地理学研究的重要内容之一。作为我国历史上第一个封建大一统王朝,秦代的郡县设置问题一直是中国古代史研究中的一个热点、难点问题,由于秦祚短促,加之文献记载的阙如、歧异,秦代的郡县设置问题一直未能得到真正解决。后晓荣博士著《秦代政区地理》一书,所针对的正是这一历史地理学界的重大问题。该书作为东方历史学术文库丛书之一,已于2009年由社会科学文献出版社出版。书中作者利用新材料和新研究手段重新审视秦代历史地理,特别是秦代政区地理中郡县设置的重大问题,得出了仅靠传统文献无法得出的新的结论,提出了秦置54郡的见解,又考证落实了近700个秦置县,从而促进了秦代历史地理问题的研究。
《秦代政区地理》评介  [PDF]
甘忠银
地理学报 , 2009, DOI: 10.11821/xb200908001
Abstract: 历史政区地理研究是中国传统舆地学的核心内容之一,也是现代历史地理学研究的重要内容之一。作为我国历史上第一个封建大一统王朝,秦代的郡县设置问题一直是中国古代史研究中的一个热点、难点问题,由于秦祚短促,加之文献记载的阙如、歧异,秦代的郡县设置问题一直未能得到真正解决。后晓荣博士著《秦代政区地理》一书,所针对的正是这一历史地理学界的重大问题。该书作为东方历史学术文库丛书之一,已于2009年由社会科学文献出版社出版。书中作者利用新材料和新研究手段重新审视秦代历史地理,特别是秦代政区地理中郡县设置的重大问题,得出了仅靠传统文献无法得出的新的结论,提出了秦置54郡的见解,又考证落实了近700个秦置县,从而促进了秦代历史地理问题的研究。
国内外府际科技共建比较与完善  [PDF]
尹红,钟书华
科技进步与对策 , 2010,
Abstract: 府际科技共建是中央政府与地方政府进行科技资源整合、互动沟通的重要举措,是科技管理政策与机制的创新。从共建主体、共建形式、资金投入等方面,比较分析国内与国外府际科技的现状与特点,并从3个方面提出了完善府际科技共建的思路。府际科技共建府际关系中央政府地方政府
血府逐瘀汤方证特征  [PDF]
熊兴江,王阶
中国中药杂志 , 2011,
Abstract: 血府逐瘀汤是清代名医王清任氏活血化瘀名方,本方证由四逆散方证、桃红四物汤方证合桔梗药证、牛膝药证而成。结合多年来的方证研究体会及血府逐瘀汤临床运用心得,从祖剂药证分析、经典方证阐释以及体质特征研究这3方面阐释血府逐瘀汤方证特征,为方证深入研究提供借鉴。
大晟府词人新考  [PDF]
张春义
浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版) , 2012,
Abstract: ?徐申崇宁五年(1106)九月至大观元年(1107)任大晟府乐令,大观二年(1108)十月出知常州,任典乐则在大观二年十月前。晁端礼于政和三年(1113)六月下旬赴大晟府,以谪散官而任制撰文字职事,一月后叙复,命官为按协声律,未及上任即卒。万俟咏、田为、江汉于政和三年五月后任制撰文字,后各有升迁。江汉政和六年至政和七年间(1116----1117)离开大晟府任密州通判,万俟咏宣和元年(1119)八月前离开大晟府任秦川茶马司干当公事。田为自政和四年(1114)正月后至宣和元年十一月均在大晟府任职,先后任燕乐所制撰、修制大乐局管勾官、典乐、乐令、典乐、大司乐。
织编物的性能  [PDF]
纺织学报 , 1983,
Abstract: 本文首先简要介绍了织编机的织编过程,然后通过对织编物的结构分析和物理性能试验,讨论了织编物的性能特征,包括透气性、延伸性与断裂伸长、强度、厚度、顶裂强力和耐磨性等。这些性能说明织编物透气性好,纬向伸长率较高,强度不低于一般机织物,并且有良好的耐磨性,比较适宜用于春、夏、秋季服装。文章也指出目前织编物生产中还存在一些疵点,同时提出为了减少布面疵点,在织造工艺中应注意的一些问题。
新发现的唐府香炉  [PDF]
牛宏成
东南文化 , 2006,
Abstract: ????南阳首次发现有铭文纪年和唐王府铸造的大型铁香炉。唐府为明代朱元璋第23子朱?受封南阳的唐王府,该香炉为朱?第十代唐王朱聿键所造,为唐王府宗祠焚香祭祖所用之物。
国毛与澳毛啥味呢产品风格的探讨  [PDF]
纺织学报 , 1984,
Abstract: 文章讨论了生产啥味呢时所用原料、纺、织及整理工艺与产品风格的关系;根据国毛和澳毛性能的差异,提出了不同的加工工艺(特别是整理工艺).
荆州松柏汉墓简牍所见“显陵”考  [PDF]
马孟龙
- , 2015,
Abstract: 湖北省荆州松柏一号汉墓出土简牍记载汉武帝早期的南郡辖有“显陵”。本文从显陵的人口信息入手,指出仅有四百余户的显陵属于非常特殊的县级政区。西汉时代的县级政区中,只有侯国和陵园奉邑的户口数量少至三四百户。在排除显陵为侯国的可能性以后,可以明确显陵为陵园奉邑。西汉时代,诸侯王可以设置陵园奉邑,在各诸侯王国境内普遍分布着诸侯王陵园奉邑。南郡曾两度设置为临江国,显陵应为临江哀王刘阏的陵园奉邑。“显陵邑”设置于景帝四年刘阏去世之时。汉元帝永光四年,朝廷全面废除陵园奉邑制度,显陵至迟于此年废除。显陵的地理方位约在今湖北省荆州市北部,该地理方位与荆州松柏一号汉墓35号木牍南郡行政文书所展示的南郡辖县空间排列规律相符。荆州松柏一号汉墓墓主周偃,在出任江陵县西乡有秩啬夫之后,应在南郡太守府任职,至元光二年七月调任桂阳郡南平尉。松柏一号汉墓出土的南郡行政文书,形成于建元三年至元光二年七月墓主周偃出任南郡属吏期间。
Abstract:The wooden tablets excavated from Songbai No. 1 Tomb in Jingzhou recorded that Nan Prefecture had the jurisdiction over “Xianling” in the early reign of Emperor Wu of Han. This article analyzes demographic documents of Xianling to unveil that as there were only about 400 households registered, Xianling was a special county administrative region. Among all the county administrative regions in the Western Han Dynasty, only Marquis countries and Mausoleum towns can have as few as about 300 to 400 households. After it proves that Xianling cannot be a Marquis country, this article believes that it was a Mausoleum town. In the Western Han Dynasty, only princes were allowed to establish Mausoleum towns, which were normally founded in their kingdoms. Nan Prefecture was recognized as Linjiang Kingdom for twice; Xianling was thus the Mausoleum town of Liu Yan, Prince of Linjiang. “Xianling Mausoleum town” was established in the fourth year of Emperor Jing, when Liu Yan was dead. In the fourth year of Yongguang, under the reign of Emperor Yuan of Han, the government abolished all the Mausoleum towns. Xianling, therefore, was maintained no later than this year. The location of Xianling was close to the north part of today's Jingzhou, Hubei Province. Geographically speaking, Xianling fit into the pattern of jurisdictions of Nan Prefecture, according to the wooden tablets No. 35 – the administrative documents of Nan Prefecture – excavated from Songbai No. 1 Tomb. Zhou Yan, who was buried in this tomb, was supposed to work in the office of Nan Prefecture, after he left Xi township, Jiangling county, as a Youzhi-sefu (countryside official). He was transferred to the Nanping Wei (military assistant) of Guiyang Prefecture in July of the second year of Yuanguang, under the reign of Emperor Wu of Han. It is believed that the administrative documents of Nan Prefecture excavated from Songbai No. 1 Tomb were written during Zhou Yan's tenure as an officer in Nan Prefecture, from the third year of Jianyuan to the second year of Yuanguang, under the reign of Emperor Wu of Han.
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