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ran’da Malkum Han ve Feth Ali Ahundzade’nin Arap Alfabesini De i tirme Te ebbüsleri (1860-1880)/// Malcom Khan and Fath Ali Ahunzade’s Attempts on Changing Arabic Alphabet in Iran (1860-1880)
History Studies : International Journal of History , 2012,
Abstract: Arabic alphabet which was started two hundred years after conquest of Iran was faced to attempts of change by a nationalist Mirza Feth Ali Khan Ahunzade (Ahundov) of Kacar Dynasty and Malcom Khan who was an Armenian originally and son of Mirza Yakup. Ahundzada’ seeking to support about new alphabet in Istanbul has received support from only Ali Suavi and Münif Pasha. There was told him that cannot be used this new alphabet instead of the Arabic alphabet.
Goran Cicovi?
Zbornik Radova Ekonomskog Fakulteta u Isto?nom Sarajevu , 2012,
Abstract: In order to completely understandconcept of this paper I would like to stress that myaim was to elaborate “political market as variableof political marketing” in a way that will define therole of political marketing in the society by drawinga parallel with the traditional (basic marketing)only because the political marketing as a scientificdiscipline emerged from the theory of basicmarketing. The position that political market takeswithin the political marketing is defined, bystressing political marketing in the context ofelectoral- political public, research of politicalmarket, its segmentation, positioning of a politicalproduct and communication between politicalcandidate and political public.Political marketing is a comprehensive andcomplex process that encompasses: research of themarket; creation of personal political product andits adaptation to political market; systematicprocess of action on political market throughmeans of political communication, with the finalaim to accept and support certain political productin the shape of a political idea or program.
Political symbols and political transitions
Herrero de Mi?ón, Miguel
Athenea Digital , 2006,
Abstract: Politics, Law and Psychology are fields that come together in the symbolic. This text takes evidence from those three areas to develop an analysis of political symbols and political transitions. The development of the analysis goes through three stages. The first succinctly describes the concept of transition and its meaning. The second closely examines the notion of the symbol, in terms of its definition, to explain aspects that allow us to understand it, characterise it and make its functions clear. Finally, from the author's experience as a witness and as an actor, I suggest three ways of understanding symbols in the processes of political transition: as symbols of change, as symbols of acknowledgment, and as symbols of support.
Political Culture and Political Democracy
Gang-li QI,Yan-jie HE
Cross-Cultural Communication , 2007, DOI: 10.3968/682
Abstract: As a new concept in the research of political party, political culture has its unique content, function and characteristics, which are different from any other culture organizations. It confines and influences the existence, development and realization degree of political democracy (refers to democracy inside political parties in particular). The essay analyzes how traditional political cultures enhanced and hindered political democracy and proposes to construct a new political culture that features openness, democracy, law, weakening ideology, and web-relationship to promote the development and realization of political democracy. The essay also points out that such a construction of political culture should be approached from the establishment of Political Parties Act, the revolution of traditional pyramid organization and rights organization, the establishment of democratic systems and programs inside political parties and the cultivation of democratic spirits. Key words: political culture, political democracy, realization approaches Résumé: La culture de parti, un nouveau concept dans les recherches de parti, revêt des connotations, fonctions et caractéristiques différentes des autres cultures organisationnelles. Elle conditionne l’existence, le développement et le niveau de réalisation de la démocratie de parti( on se réfère particulièrement à la démocratie intérieure du parti ). Le présent article analyse les r les positifs et négatifs de la culture de parti traditionnelle sur la démocratie de parti et propose de construire, sous les angles de la création de la Loi de parti , la réforme de la structure organisationnelle traditionnelle en pyramide et de la structure de pouvoir, l’établissement du système démocratique du parti et de son processus, la formation de l’esprit démocratique, une nouvelle culture de parti caractérisée par l’ouverture, la démocratie, la gérance selon la loi, l’affaiblissement idéologique et la relation en réseau dans le but de promouvoir le développement et la réalisation de la démocratie de parti. Mots-clés: culture de parti, démocratie de parti, moyen de réalisation 摘要:政黨文化作為政黨研究中一個新概念,具有不同于其他組織文化的內涵、功能和特點。它制約和影響著政黨民主(特指政黨內部民主)的存在、發展和實現程度。文章分析傳統政黨文化對政黨民主的促進和阻礙,提出從《政黨法》的創建,傳統金字塔型組織結構、權力結構的變革,政黨內部民主制度及程式的建立,民主精神的培育等方面入手,構建以開放,民主、法治、意識形態弱化、網路狀關係為特徵的新型政黨文化,以促進政黨民主的發展和實現。 關鍵詞:政黨文化;政黨民主;實現途徑
Political Leadership in German History  [cached]
Stefan Frohlich
Scienza & Politica : per una Storia delle Dottrine , 1996, DOI: 10.6092/issn.1825-9618/2930
Abstract: Political Leadership in German History
Fanon and Political Will  [PDF]
Peter Hallward
Cosmos and History : the Journal of Natural and Social Philosophy , 2011,
Abstract: The most important component of Fanon’s political psychology is the notion of emancipatory political will. In the context of Algeria’s national liberation struggle, Fanon develops an account of the militant ‘will of the people’ that warrants analysis in terms drawn from the legacies of Rousseau, Lenin and Mao.
eviren: Erkan G ksu Tar h-i Güz de'ye G re Sel uklu Devleti'nin Kurulu u ve Tu rul Beg D nemi/// The Establishment of the Seljukids State and Tugrul Beg Period According to Tarikh-i Guzida
Hamdullah Müstevf?-i Kazv?n?
History Studies : International Journal of History , 2011,
Abstract: Tarikh-i Guzida, written by Hamdullah Müstevf -i Kazv n in AH 730/AD 1329-30, consists of six babs (chapters). In the sixth section of the third chapter, the book deals with The Seljuks. The writer studies the Seljuks in three phases. In the first phase he starts with the rise of the Great Seljukids and Iraki Seljukids; in the second phase he continues with Kirmani Seljukids and in the third phase he focuses on the Rumi (or Anatolian) Seldjukids.In this study, sections of “The Establishment of the Seljukids State” and “Tugrul Beg period” of the Tarikh-i Guzidahas been translated.
Political Competences and Political Participation: On The Role of “Objective” Political Knowledge, Political Reasoning, and Subjective Political Competence in Early Adulthood
Frank Reichert
Journal of Social Science Education , 2010,
Abstract: This article deals with the relation of objective political competences and the subjective assessment of one’s own political competence. The theoretical frame states that at least in early adulthood, only the subjective competence but not political knowledge is an autonomous and important determinant for (socio-)political participation, mediating the influence of objective political competences (or political knowledge, respectively). To test the role of subjective political competence and the (remaining) effect of political knowledge in early adulthood, empirical evidence using a sample of university students is presented. Cross-sectional analyses show that political knowledge has at least, if anything, an impact on voting, while fully mediated by subjective political competence relating non-electoral legal political activities. In contrast, the more profound competence of political reasoning has clear and stable positive effects on the intention to engage in non-electoral legal political actions – here subjective competence seems to be less important. Eventually, after a short excursus on school participation the findings are summarised and discussed by relating them back to framework and hypothesis. A concluding section proposes two opposing developmental-psychological considerations about the findings, raising further questions and giving an outlook into future research.
Political Awakenings
Claudia Franziska Brühwiler
Transatlantica : Revue d'études Américaines , 2008,
Abstract: Le Complot contre l’Amérique de Philip Roth décrit l’initiation politique de ses deux protagonistes, le narrateur Philip et son frère a né, Sanford. Tandis que ce dernier passe par un processus initiatique quasi classique — il se déroule conformément au schéma tripartite de van Gennep — l’apogée de l’initiation de Philip est marquée par douleur et blessure. Toutefois, tous les deux connaissent seulement une initiation partielle, car le premier doit d’abord admettre ses erreurs tandis que le second va devoir apprendre, non seulement à remettre en cause l’autorité, mais également à développer ses idées de fa on indépendante. Philip Roth’s The Plot Against America traces the political awakening of its two child protagonists, the narrator Philip and his elder brother Sanford. While the latter undergoes an initiation process nearly in accordance with the classical tripartite scheme as coined by van Gennep, the height of Philip’s initiation process is marked by physical pain and injury. However, both experience only a partial initiation, since the elder brother will have to recognize his errors and the younger one will first have to learn how to go beyond the mere questioning of authority.
A Theory of Political Entrepreneurship  [PDF]
Matthew McCaffrey, Joseph T. Salerno
Modern Economy (ME) , 2011, DOI: 10.4236/me.2011.24061
Abstract: This paper adapts the entrepreneurial theory developed by Richard Cantillon, Frank Knight, and Ludwig von Mises to the theory of “political entrepreneurship.” Political entrepreneurship is an outgrowth of the theory of the market entrepreneur, and derives from extending entrepreneurial theory from the market into the political sphere of action. By applying the theory of the entrepreneur to political behavior, we provide a basis for identifying political entrepreneurs, and for separating them analytically from other government agents. The essence of political entrepreneurship is the redirection of production from the path it would have taken in an unregulated market. Nevertheless, this production does produce an income stream to political entrepreneurs which closely resembles the profit of market entrepreneurs.

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