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Demarcation between Military and Humanitarian Activities in Afghanistan and the Role of Law  [PDF]
ROGER NASH
Essex Human Rights Review , 2007,
Abstract: Recent trends towards closer integration of military and humanitarian aspects of post-conflictreconstruction have raised questions as to the legal regime regulating such operations. The lack ofa guiding framework has in practice resulted in suboptimal division of labour between militaryand humanitarian actors, even when common political and humanitarian interests can beidentified.Afghanistan has in recent years seen significant involvement of international politicalactors in both military and humanitarian spheres. A new form of joint military-civilian operationcarried out by so-called ‘Provincial Reconstruction Teams’ (PRTs) has been trialled since 2003.These operations have prompted concerns regarding the dangers of blurring the distinctionbetween military and humanitarian operations in a context of ongoing political instability.Although the clear identification of (unarmed) humanitarian resources is embedded in the law ofarmed conflict, the applicable law in a post-conflict setting is far less clear.This paper begins by outlining the humanitarian and security context of Afghanistan, thebackground to the PRT concept and the difficulties it has faced. The militarization ofhumanitarian activities for ‘hearts and minds’ purposes is found to impact negatively on broaderhumanitarian and stabilisation goals. This effect can be mitigated by greater targeting of militaryendeavours in areas of military comparative advantage.Potentially applicable legal and paralegal frameworks for regulating and encouraging suchtargeting are then examined, and in particular their adequacy in translating previous lessonslearned into operational benefits for the actors and populations concerned.Existing legal and institutional structures are generally found to address the issue onlyperipherally. Soft-law United Nations (UN) guidelines and codes, despite their high degree ofrelevance, have had particularly little impact due to their lack of serious compliance mechanisms.In the present case, political dominance over the post-conflict context has acted to marginalisethe ‘lessons learned’ represented by these soft-law instruments. The suboptimal outcomes of thisapproach, even when measured by the criteria of the political actors themselves, demonstrate thatthe practical dominance of political elements can ultimately act against the interests of the sameactors wielding the political power.The increasing global political focus on effective counter-insurgency suggests thatpolitical structures are increasingly likely to be the means through which thehumanitarian/military interface will b
Increasing incidence of Type 1 diabetes – role for genes?
Janne Pitk?niemi, P?ivi Onkamo, Jaakko Tuomilehto, Elja Arjas
BMC Genetics , 2004, DOI: 10.1186/1471-2156-5-5
Abstract: To explore this hypothesis, the authors formulate a simple population genetic model for the incidence change driven by non-Mendelian transmission of a single susceptibility factor, either allele(s) or haplotype(s). A Poisson mixture model is used to model the observed number of cases. Model parameters were estimated by maximizing the log-likelihood function. Based on the Finnish incidence data 1965–1996 the point estimate of the transmission probability was 0.998. Given our current knowledge of the penetrance of the most diabetic gene variants in the HLA region and their transmission probabilities, this value is exceedingly unrealistic.As a consequence, non-Mendelian transmission of diabetic allele(s)/haplotype(s) if present, could explain only a small part of the increase in incidence in Finland. Hence, the importance of other, probably environmental factors modifying the disease incidence is emphasized.The incidence of Type 1 diabetes is characterized by extensive differences between populations, from 0.7/100,000/year in Peru [1] to 45/100,000/year in Finland in 1996. The incidence is increasing in many populations; in Finland [2,3], England [4], Norway [5], Israel [6], Austria [7], and several other countries [8]. In Finland, the incidence has more than tripled from 1953, when it was 12/100,000/year [9], with an average increase of 2.4 percent per year according to log-linear model of disease incidence.The reasons for the increasing incidence of Type 1 diabetes are not known, largely because the etiology of the disease is still poorly understood. Type 1 diabetes develops in individuals who are genetically susceptible. An exposure to some yet unknown triggering environmental factor(s) may be required. The genetic background is complex, involving a major contribution from the HLA region, but also several other genes may be involved, each having a minor effect on disease susceptibility [10-12]. However, the roles for these genes have been difficult to assess because
Towards sustainable delivery of health services in Afghanistan: options for the future
Sabri,B; Siddiqi,S; Ahmed,AM; Kakar,FK; Perrot,J;
Bulletin of the World Health Organization , 2007, DOI: 10.1590/S0042-96862007000900017
Abstract: disruption caused by decades of war and civil strife in afghanistan has led many international and national nongovernmental organizations (ngos) to assume responsibility for the delivery of health services through contracts with donor agencies. recently the afghan government has pursued the policy of contracting for a basic package of health services (bphs) supported by funds from three major donors - the world bank, the united states agency for international development (usaid) and the european commission. with the gradual strengthening of the public health ministry, options for the future include pursuing the contracting option or increasing public provision of health services. should contracting with ngos be pursued, a clear strategy is required that includes developing accreditation instruments, better contracting mechanisms and a system for monitoring and evaluating the entire process. should the government opt for an increasing role, problems to be solved include securing the transition to public provision, obtaining guarantees that appropriate financing will be provided and reconfiguration of the public health delivery system. large-scale contracting with the private for-profit sector cannot be recommended at this stage, although this option could be explored via subcontracting by larger ngos or small-scale trial contracts initiated by the public health ministry. irrespective of the option chosen, an important challenge remaining is the recalcitrant problem of high out-of-pocket payments. sustainable delivery of health services in afghanistan can only be achieved with a clear national strategy in which all stakeholders have roles to play in the financing, regulation and delivery of services.
THE ROLE OF ATATURK REVOLUATION IN TIME OF NADIR SHAH IN AFGHANISTAN’S MODERNIZATION EFFORT / ATATüRK INKIL BININ NADIR SAH D NEMINDE AFGANISTAN’IN MODERNLESME ABASINA ETKISI
Dr. Mehmet K??ER
Turkish Studies , 2008,
Abstract: Being the leader of Turkish National Struggle and founder ofTurkish Republic, Atatürk proved such an eminent leader that manyother countries, nations and leaders took him as a source ofinspiration, a good model in other words. He showed himself as aleading person in Turkish Nationalist Movement, which started risingafter the 19th century, followed changes and development experiencedin the world closely and most importantly was a very well-educated person. He always adopted a stable and self-consistent policy whileimplementing his revolutions with the public’s support. Nadir Shah,the third leader throning to Afghanistan during Atatürk era, was asoldier like Atatürk. Being aware of importance both Turkey andAtatürk posed for his country, Afghanistan, Nadir Shah likeEmanullah realized crucial role of maintaining friendly relations withnewly-founded Turkish Republic with an eye to contribute toAfghansitan’s welfare and development. Hence, he struggled hard toestablish communication with Atatürk’s Turkey. He showed hisdetermination in this aspect by asking for the Turkish ambassador’sidea while he was being throned to rule. Furthermore, the message hesent to Atatürk to celebrate anniversary of Turkish Republic just afterhe was throned was an obvious sign of this loyality and interest.
Obama’S Afghanistan Strategy: A Policy of Balancing the Reality with the Practice  [cached]
Wahabuddin Ra’ees
Journal of Politics and Law , 2010, DOI: 10.5539/jpl.v3n2p80
Abstract: President Barack H. Obama promised to stabilize Afghanistan. President Obama in 2009 introduced the AfPak or Afghanistan and Pakistan Policy. Obama’s AfPak Policy in outlining America’s intentions in Afghanistan was announced over two phases: the Obama March 27, 2009, Afghanistan Strategy and the Obama December 1, 2009, Afghanistan Strategy. The AfPak Policy’s recognition that there is no military-only solution to the Afghan quagmire and focus on soft powers and nation-building efforts distinguishes it from Bush’s Afghanistan Policy. The Policy will fail if the US fails to consolidate the power of the central government, abandons the intra-Afghan dialogue and if the dialogue it suggests with powers with stakes results in ‘sourcing out’ Afghanistan again. President Obama should not have made public the July 2011 deadline for a drawdown and eventual withdrawal of the US troops from Afghanistan in his December 1, 2009, tier of AfPak Policy announcement. The US has a ‘stabilizing’ role and therefore, must work out an alternative approach such as strengthening the existing ‘declaration of strategic partnership’ with Afghanistan to remain engaged. The Obama administration should have shared Secretary Gates’s fear that the Afghans will view the US as an occupying power similar to the Soviet Union. The US needs to convince Afghanistan’s neighbors that Afghanistan is a sovereign state and its sovereignty and territorial integrity must be respected by the international community. The Policy’s assertion that the US is not an occupier and respects Afghanistan’s rights as a sovereign state when it remains engaged in its politics is praiseworthy.
Indian Involvement in Afghanistan in the Context of the South Asian Security System  [PDF]
Melanie Hanif
Journal of Strategic Security , 2010,
Abstract: This article focuses on the regional requirements for a pacification of Afghanistan. For this purpose, Afghanistan is analytically "reframed" as part of South Asia. The hypothesis is that India is the only regional actor that might possess both the incentives and the capabilities to deal with the negative security externalities emanating from Afghanistan.In South Asia, material characteristics such as the delineation of the region and its power polarity are unclear. India's role within the region is even more controversial. By examining India's role within its security environment, this paper will suggest how this lack of clarity could be remedied. In light of the disputes between India and Pakistan and between Pakistan and Afghanistan, India's involvement in the Afghan conflict is probably the most critical test case for India's leadership potential. The following section elaborates a theoretical framework based on Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) and the concept of regional hegemony as one form of regional order.
Afghanistan and its Economy
Zabioullah A. Eltezam
GSTF Journal on Business Review , 2015, DOI: 10.5176/2010-4804_4.1.356
Abstract: Afghanistan is one of the least developed countries of the world. United States of America and several other nations spent hundreds of billions of dollars during the last 13 years to strengthen her economy and security but due to pervasive corruption the country could not absorb the aid effectively. As long as Afghanistan remains resistant to change, and corruption and lawlessness continue to hurt the country, the badly needed foreign assistance, no matter how colossal, will not make much difference. In this paper, the author explains the historical, geographical and political factors that have plagued and still hinder economic development of Afghanistan. The paper briefly explains land, population, resources and economic aggregates in addition to the historical events that have caused the progress to remain slow. Some recommendations are made at the end.
Cross-functional Teams and their Role in Increasing Competitiveness of the Organizational Partnerships  [cached]
Laura Dinca,Carmen Voinescu
EIRP Proceedings , 2012,
Abstract: In this paper we review the role of the cross-functional teams for increasing competitiveness of the variousorganizational partnerships. The present complexity of the international business environment, the high competitionand the economic globalization push many organizations to seek for new organizational partnerships, in order tofaster reach their goals. Such organizational partnerships may be the networks of enterprises and clusters. For both ofthem, the main factor to increase competitiveness is the cross-functional teams (CFT) and their effective team work.Through communication and mutual understanding, the CFT can overcome barriers between member entities and leadto better economic parameters. The main employed method was a survey of the management literature about CFT.The result is a clear presentation of the CFT and of their effective work manner to reach a competitive level forvarious organizational partnerships.
Afghanistan consults on an IDP policy
Nina Schrepfer,Dan Tyler
Forced Migration Review , 2012,
Abstract: A recent commitment announced by the government of Afghanistan to develop a national policy on internal displacement is timely. If carried out well in the lead-up to transition, it will help the government to better protect and meet the needs of internally displaced communities across the country.
THE AFGHANISTAN WAR IN A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE  [PDF]
H?kan WIBERG
Bezbednosni Dijalozi , 2010,
Abstract: Afghanistan has suffered war for thirty years: one decade fighting the Soviet Union and a regime kept in power by it, one of domestic war about what regime to have, and one against USA and a regime kept in power by it. That battle front currently has the largest amount of military forces stationed in any war zone in the world and the speech by president Obama (2009a) at West Point on 1 December 2009 told of more on their way, primarily more than 30,000 from USA, but also from such “willing” countries that can be pressured into increasing their participation. What is going on? This article takes its point of departure in the classical exhortation that one should always ask, “What is this instance of?”
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