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L’argomento “ad hominem”: riflessioni sulle funzioni della violenza verbale  [cached]
Ruth Amossy,Adriana Colombini Mantovani (traduzione a cura di)
Altre Modernità , 2010,
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to argue that the attack against someone else, as a kind of argument ad hominem, has a civic utility when it gives issue to polemic antagonism. Verbal violence can therefore be seen as functional: a way to express dissension within society and to regulate it. In opposition to the rhetorical search for common agreement, the ad hominem can nevertheless be studied as a discourse strategy attacking someone in order to force him to an antagonist point of view. As a public discussion, the success of this sort of argument relies on the agreement of the group and then on its adequacy to formal rules of social interaction, no matter how manipulated the polemic argument could be. The ethical perspective is thus the very question to be considered in analysing the ad hominem strategy. Its utility as a regulation of violence through its moving on the ground of verbal confrontation couldn't in any way legitimate the fact that polemic expression turns into physical violence or even suggests it, disrupting the thin space where violence can be expressed, by argumentation, as a passionate but regulated antagonism.
From 2000 Bush-Gore to 2006 Italian elections: Voting at fifty-fifty and the Contrarian Effect  [PDF]
Serge Galam
Physics , 2007,
Abstract: A sociophysical model for opinion dynamics is shown to embody a series of recent western hung national votes all set at the unexpected and very improbable edge of a fifty-fifty score. It started with the Bush-Gore 2000 American presidential election, followed by the 2002 Stoiber-Schr\H{o}der, then the 2005 Schr\H{o}der-Merkel German elections, and finally the 2006 Prodi-Berlusconi Italian elections. In each case, the country was facing drastic choices, the running competing parties were advocating very different programs and millions of voters were involved. Moreover, polls were given a substantial margin for the predicted winner. While all these events were perceived as accidental and isolated, our model suggests that indeed they are deterministic and obey to one single universal phenomena associated to the effect of contrarian behavior on the dynamics of opinion forming. The not hung Bush-Kerry 2005 presidential election is shown to belong to the same universal frame. To conclude, the existence of contrarians hints at the repetition of hung elections in the near future.
Tempo de balan o: (As)simetrias nos mandatos presidenciais de George W. Bush e Vladimir Putin Assessment time: symmetries and asymmetries in the presidential mandates of George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin  [cached]
Maria Raquel Freire
Rela??es Internacionais (R:I) , 2008,
Abstract: Em ano de elei es, este artigo faz um balan o dos dois mandatos de Bush e Putin à frente dos destinos norte americano e russo. A intensidade nos mandatos parece ter tido uma evolu o de sentido inverso, essencialmente no que se refere aos conteúdos das políticas e escala de implementa o; a diferencia o em termos de vis o das rela es internacionais é contrariada por uma postura similar nos meios utilizados para a prossecu o da mesma; e os temas mais quentes nas agendas mantiveram se ao longo dos oito anos: modelo de governa o; op es políticas e securitárias; e quest es energéticas. Quest es estas que s o aqui objecto de análise. In an election year both in Russia and the United States, this article tries to assess the impact of the nearly simultaneous mandates of George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin on the relationship between those two countries. Its main conclusions point to a different ‘intensity’ in the way they pursued their goals and implemented their policies; to the basic similarity in the means employed by Washington and Moscow in their foreign and national security policies, and to the persistence of the same topics in the Russian-American agenda in these last eight years (the governance model, strategic and security options, energy issues).
Bush, o Iraque, Kerry e os Democratas
Cristina Soreanu Pecequilo
Meridiano 47 : Boletim de Análise de Conjuntura em Rela??es Internacionais , 2004,
Abstract: a
Questioning the Dominance of Military Means: The Bush Administration’s Fight against Terrorism
Jan Ludvik
Central European Journal of International and Security Studies , 2010,
Abstract: This work is devoted to investigating the variety of approaches that the US presidential administration of George W. Bush deployed to counter terrorism following 9/11.
2008 US Presidential Elections: The Iraq War, Party Platforms and Social Polarization  [PDF]
Anca Parmena Olimid
Revista de Stiinte Politice , 2008,
Abstract: The most important undertaking of the first George W. Bush administration was the war in Iraq; today, at the end of the second Bush administration, there is a growing consensus across the political spectrum that this war may be the president’s most disastrous problem. It is also important to notice that in 2001 presidential campaign, George W. Bush offered a new approch to foreign policy and expressed strong reservations about America’s undertaking nation building
Perelman, argument ad hominem et ethos rhétorique Perelman, ad Hominem Argument, and Rhetorical Ethos  [cached]
Michael Leff
Argumentation et Analyse du Discours , 2009,
Abstract: La conception de Perelman sur le r le des personnes dans l’argumentation est l’une des marques les plus caractéristiques de sa rupture avec les hypothèses cartésiennes sur le raisonnement. Alors que le paradigme rationaliste cherchait à minimiser ou à éliminer les considérations personnelles comme étant dilatoires et non pertinentes dans ce cadre, Perelman insiste sur le fait que l’argumentation met inévitablement l’accent sur les personnes spécifiques impliquées dans l’argumentation et que la relation entre le locuteur et ce qui est dit est toujours pertinente et importante. En adoptant cette position, Perelman ressuscite implicitement la conception classique de la preuve par le caractère (argument par l’ethos ou ethotique ). Mais, bien que la Nouvelle Rhétorique consacre une large place au débat sur l’acte et la personne dans l’argumentation, elle n’accorde pas beaucoup de réflexion au concept classique et mélange différentes approches à l’intérieur de la tradition. Le résultat est que Perelman traite le r le du locuteur dans l’argumentation uniquement en référence à des techniques abstraites et ne prend pas en compte l’importance de l’examen des cas particuliers pour éclairer la compréhension du fonctionnement de l’argument ethotique en situation dans le contexte complexe de son utilisation effective. Par conséquent, la prise en compte par Perelman du r le de la personne dans l’argumentation doit être complétée par la référence à des études de cas et c’est dans ce but que j’étudie l’argument ethotique dans le célèbre essai de W. E. B. DuBois Sur M. Booker T. Washington et autres . Perelman’s view of the role of persons in argument is one of the most distinctive features of his break with Cartesian assumptions about reasoning. Whereas the Rationalist paradigm sought to minimize or eliminate personal considerations by dismissing them as distracting and irrelevant, Perelman insists that argumentation inevitably does and ought to place stress on the specific persons engaged in an argument and that the relationship between speaker and what is spoken is always relevant and important. In taking this position, Perelman implicitly revives the classical conception of proof by character (ethos or “ethotic” argument), but despite an extended discussion of act and person in argument, The New Rhetoric does not give much consideration to the classical concept and confuses differing approaches to it within the tradition. The result is that Perelman treats the role of the speaker in argument only by reference to abstract techniques and does not recognize the im
The political attack ad  [cached]
Palma Pe?a-Jiménez, Ph.D.
Revista Latina de Comunicación Social , 2011,
Abstract: During election campaigns the political spot has a clear objective: to win votes. This message is communicated to the electorate through television and Internet, and usually presents a negative approach, which includes a direct critical message against the opponent, rather than an exposition of proposals. This article is focused on the analysis of the campaign attack video ad purposely created to encourage the disapproval of the political opponent among voters. These ads focus on discrediting the opponent, many times, through the transmission of ad hominem messages, instead of disseminating the potential of the political party and the virtues and manifesto of its candidate. The article reviews the development of the attack ad since its first appearance, which in Spain dates back to 1996, when the famous Doberman ad was broadcast, and examines the most memorable campaign attack ads.
The right to be wrong
Gregory A Petsko
Genome Biology , 2008, DOI: 10.1186/gb-2008-9-2-102
Abstract: In the 2004 presidential election Republican incumbent George W Bush got a lot of political mileage by painting his Democratic challenger, Massachusetts senator John Kerry, as a 'flip-flopper' on the issue of the Vietnam War. Kerry had fought, honorably, in that war - a war that George W Bush had managed to avoid participating in by virtue of family connections. But after returning to the US, Kerry decided that the conflict had been a tragic mistake and he spoke out against it at numerous rallies. So successful was Bush's campaign rhetoric in portraying Kerry as someone without principles, that a large segment of the voting public came to believe that the decorated war veteran was less patriotic than the man who had never fought at all, an example of 'doublethink' that George Orwell would have been proud of.The primary campaign this year has seen the same tactics employed, this time by the Republicans against one of their own. Mitt Romney, the former governor of Massachusetts (what is it about candidates from my home state?), saw his candidacy go down in flames largely because he was shown, truthfully this time, to have changed his position 180 degrees on such insignificant matters as gun control and abortion rights. In contrast, his opponent, John McCain, successfully presented himself as a man of unwavering principle (even though he did a series of about-turns on the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy and several social programs).The Democrats aren't immune from the problem either. New York senator (and former First Lady) Hillary Clinton, has shown impressive grasp of the issues and political savvy in debates against her chief rival for the presidential nomination, the eloquent senator from Illinois, Barack Obama. But she has spent much of her time trying not to apologize for her vote in the Senate in favor of the resolution that gave George W Bush the license to go to war in Iraq. She was lied to, of course, just like the United Nations and the American people were -
Policy of Preemption or the Bush Doctrine  [PDF]
Ana Dresner
School of Doctoral Studies Journal , 2009,
Abstract: The paper explains the principles of the Bush Doctrine and the policy of preemption that was essentially the response of the Bush administration to the attacks of 9/11. The paper looks at the arguments of supporters of the Bush doctrine but then explores the position of opponents as well. The paper discusses the rise of anti-Americanism, the contentions that Bush disregards the will and needs of the states he has invaded, the fact that democratization is not working and the lack of evidence about weapons of mass destruction at the start of the second Iraq war.
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