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REVIEW: The Communist Party of the Philippines: The Troubled Journey
Ma. Glenda Lopez Wui
Kasarinlan : Philippine Journal of Third World Studies , 2001,
Abstract: A book review of Patricio Abinales's "The Communist Party of the Philippines: The Troubled Journey"
Managing the "Main Force": The Communist Party and the Peasantry in the Philippines
James Putzel
Kasarinlan : Philippine Journal of Third World Studies , 1996,
Abstract: Despite the success of the Communist Party of the Philippines in winning rural support, its work has consistently been characterized by an instrumentalist approach to the peasantry. The article begins with an examination of the foundations of the party’s attitude towards the peasantry and its roots in Marxist-Leninist theory and practice It goes to consider evidence of the party’s instrumental approach in practice, examining the impact on legal peasant organizations and the experience of socio-economic projects in the countryside. Attention next turns to an analysis of the party’s attitude towards “united front work” and its impact on coalition-building among the peasantry. Finally, the author considers the implications of the current split and debates in the ranks of the CPP for the peasantry and for the future of radical politics in the country.
Communist Successor Party Adaptation in Candidate-Centered Systems: the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia and the Czech Social Democratic Party in the Czech Republic  [cached]
Tatiana P. Rizova
Journal of Politics and Law , 2012, DOI: 10.5539/jpl.v5n2p145
Abstract: I compare the adaptation strategies of the Czech ex-communists to competitive elections upon the implosion of East European communism in 1989. In order to survive in a competitive electoral environment, parties that symbolize the communist legacy ought to refashion their internal organization and party programs; their leaders have to signal to their target electorate that they will jettison their predecessors’ dictatorial practices and embrace democratic instruments. The direction and magnitude of these organizational and programmatic changes are dictated by the electoral goals of these parties’ leadership and are shaped by important features of the electoral institutions such as ballot structure.
The Failure of the Radical Left Project in Italy: The Case of the Refoundation Communist Party (PRC)  [cached]
Fabio de Nardis
Journal of Politics and Law , 2011, DOI: 10.5539/jpl.v4n2p36
Abstract: In Italy during the last years It’s been possible to observe the structuring and then the partial de-structuring of a close bond between the movement for a global justice (and other local movements) and the Refoundation Communist Party (Prc). Since 1999, Prc started to debate some principles of classic Leninism through a critic re-reading of the communist experiences of the XX century and the consequent consciousness of the communist no-self-sufficiency. After this, the leaders of the party could throw out the new strategy of an horizontal link to social movements. The relationship between Prc and social movements seem to go on without particular problems until the participation of Prc to the center-left govern in a moderate coalition. This paper intend to analyse the dynamics of this relationship by using, on one hand, the data from a survey carried out during the last four European Social Forum regarding the attitude of Italian movement activists on their relationship with traditional political institutions; on the other hand, we will analyse the interior debate of the Refoundation Communist Party by using documents published in occasion of the 7th National Congress with particular regard to the articles published on the party’s newspaper “Liberazione” for the tribune of the Congress. All the documents will be analysed with a specific computer program for content analysis.
Loyal Dissent in the Chinese Blogosphere: Sina Weibo Discourse on the Chinese Communist Party  [cached]
Johan Lagerkvist,Gustav Sundqvist
Studies in Media and Communication , 2013, DOI: 10.11114/smc.v1i1.121
Abstract: The impact of the Internet on Chinese politics is a hot topic in contemporary academic debate. Some scholars believe that political discussions in cyberspace will lead to a more pluralistic and democratic China. Others argue that the ruling Communist Party will strengthen its position by using the Internet as a tool for censorship and active propaganda. The purpose of this article is to contribute to the debate on the political impact of increasing Internet use, by studying uncensored online opinions about the Communist Party and its policies. More specifically, we investigate and analyze some of the most popular and uncensored microblog tweets (Sina Weibo) that discussed political scandals in China during the Spring of 2012. The findings show that a majority of the tweets contains criticism against certain activities of the Party, but do not challenge its hold on power. The study indicates that the phenomenon of loyal dissent is a distinguishing feature of online political discourse in contemporary China. Consequently, the blogosphere has the potential to foster a generation of more critical Chinese citizens. However, in the current phase of overall information repression and censorship, and as a particular form of online expression, microblogging cannot yet be considered a catalyst for democratization.
Legislative Candidate Selection in the Hungarian and Lithuanian Communist Successor Parties  [cached]
Tatiana Petrova Rizova
Review of European Studies , 2012, DOI: 10.5539/res.v4n2p56
Abstract: Communist successor parties have experienced rapid and sudden reversals of their post-transition electoral fortunes. The Hungarian Socialist Party showed an anemic electoral performance in 1990 only to return to power in 1994. The Lithuanian Labor Democratic Party reversed its declining electoral fortunes in 2000 after a fiasco in 1996. A standard explanation in the post-communist democratization literature is that ex-communists do not really win elections so much as center-right incumbent parties lose them. I argue that the Hungarian and Lithuanian communist successor parties did not enjoy happenstance electoral success. The two parties strengthened their electoral performance by decentralizing candidate selection procedures and recruiting mostly those candidates with links to the communist regimes who could convincingly be cast as reformers or liberators.
The Sixteenth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party and the Beijing Olympic Games
Jonathan Story,Rafael Bueno
Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals , 2003,
Abstract: With the introduction of the economic reforms initiated by Deng Xiaoping at the end of the 1970s, and with its entry into the World Trade Organisation in 2002, China is on the path to a market economy. The international, or in other words Western, norms regarding good government have already been introduced into the very heart of the Chinese system. The only element lacking in this rapid evolution of the Chinese economy and society is the introduction of political reforms, which are the most dangerous ones due to the challenge they represent for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) itself. In powerfor the last five decades, the CCP has begun a significant transformation, despite attempting to give the impression that it remains verbally anchored to old doctrines. These changes could mean a political suicide, since the 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing could be preceded by a great liberation of the Chinese institutions. It remains to be seen whether or not the Party will be able to control all of the consequences.
The Party’s Life and the Construction of the Chinese Communist Party

- , 2015,
Abstract: 《党的生活》是中国共产党中央委员会于1929年在上海主办的党内讨论刊物。它面向一般党员和中下级干部,立足于党内讨论,在组织问题上,译述了党的组织原则,并以基层党组织——支部,为组织实践的讨论对象。同时,它致力于党内教育,消除失败情绪在党内的影响,批评空喊口号的工作态度,纠正部分党员在个人与党关系上的错误认识,并强调党员义务的履行。它提倡的党内讨论形式是党内生活民主化的体现,在今天仍具有较强的现实意义。
The Party’s Life is a publication about the issues of inner-Party which was founded in Shanghai in 1929 by the Communist Party of China. It is based on the disscussion about the Party issues oriented to the masses of Party members and the lower officials. In organization issues, it translates and elaborates the organization principle, and takes the primary-level organization,Party branch, as the object practical disscussion. Meanwhile, it turns to inner-education, which means clearing up the effect of defeatist sentiments, criticizing the job attitude of shouting slogans,correcting the understanding between the Party and individual, and emphasizing voluntary performing of the obligation. The form of inner-Party discussion which the publication advocates is a signal of democratization.,which still exerts practical significance nowadays.
Leon Comber
Kajian Malaysia , 2009,
Abstract: The origins of the Malayan Emergency (1948–1960) have been debated over the years in both the academic world and in the intelligence community. This paper incorporates the contemporaneous views of the Malayan Special Branch that have not been recorded previously. It also examines the role of Lawrence (Lance) Sharkey, the acting Secretary-General of the Australian Communist Party, who was in Singapore en route back to Australia after attending the February 1948 Conferences in Singapore, in allegedly passing instructions to the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) to revolt against the British colonial government in Malaya. The essay will conclude that there is little evidence of any direct Soviet intervention in the decision made by the CPM to revolt, and it will argue that the decision to resort to armed conflict was made after its failure to establish a Communist People’s Democratic Republic by “open front” activities.
Looking for Mecenas: Mechanisms and processes of party finance in post-communist Romania  [cached]
Alexandra Iona?cu,Sorina Soare
Sfera Politicii , 2012,
Abstract: The process of party building in the CEE democracies was intimately linked to formal and informal aspects of colonising State resources. While party regulations became more articulated, Romanian parties have taken advantage of an intricate arrangement of private and public resources for guaranteeing their financial survival. Hence, our paper aims at providing a general overview of the Romanian parties’ financial (re)sources over the last decade. Within this context, party’s members assumed a peculiar role, acting both as legitimacy providers and means of economic survival.
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