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Terror and Terrorism in the North Caucasus during the Civil War
Sergey V. Sivkov
History and Historians in the Context of the Time , 2013,
Abstract: The article, using a considerable amount of archival sources and periodicals considers the problems of state terror and terrorism in the North Caucasus during the Civil War. Special attention is attached to major forms of terror and terrorism in the considered period.
Global war on terrorism and prosecution of terror suspects: Select cases and implications for International Law, politics, and security  [cached]
Srinivasan Sitaraman
Amsterdam Law Forum , 2012,
Abstract: The focus of this article is on the methods employed to confront terror suspects and terror facilitators. The objective is to raise questions about the policies that the United States have adopted in conducting the war on terrorism and study its implications for international law and security. It is to examine whether the overzealousness in the execution of this war on terror has generated some unintended consequences for international law and complicated the global judicial architecture in ways that are not conducive to the democratic propagation of human rights
Just war in the age of terror  [PDF]
Enric Ibarz Pascual
Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals , 2008,
Abstract: International terrorism and the “war on terror” have led to the advent of a climate of extreme conflict in the international sphere. Humanitarian law and war conventions, the author claims, have been made obsolete as a result of which the need for security is imposedon legality, at the same time as a generalised militaristic discourse which accentuates the “moral polarity” of the two parties in conflict. This article analyses terrorism and the war against samethrough one single framework of ethical reflection (the theory of “just war”), with the aim of outlining impartial definitions, assessing them in terms of justice and proposing global (thoughnot exclusively military) strategies against terrorism. Furthermore, the article warns of the risk of the erosion of democracy that is brought about by prioritising security over freedom and human rights –as the “war on terror” has clearly demonstrated. Finally, by considering terrorism as a problem of distribution of political resources, the study ends with a reflection on the international order and the conflicts that result from same.
Bezbednosni Dijalozi , 2011,
Abstract: The article discusses dialogue as an alternative to the “war on terror”, by posing a question which kind of dialogue is useful in the context of asymmetric conflict, such as the “war on terrorism” that currently dominates on the global scene. Taking into account thatthe “war on terror” is far from being a success, two models of communication are presented: 1) dialogue or negotiations between high-ranking political and military officers; and 2) open meetings and symmetric dialogues between all stakeholders in a conflict, includingextremists.The effects of these two models are discussed in elucidation of three empirical examples of asymmetric conflict: Northern Ireland, Iraq after the US invasion in 2003 andthe US/West vs. Taliban/Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan/Pakistan. The article argues that in the two former cases, mediation and negotiations probably preceded the change of attitude among the belligerents, especially those of the rebel groups using terror tactics. However,in the third case, there is hardly any indication that Jihadists will participate in a genuine dialogue. Consequently, a revised or third model of dialogue has to take the following question into consideration: Can genuine dialogue take place between people who arewidely different not only in terms of power and relation to the conflict, but also in attitude towards dialogue itself? The paper presents a third model for dialogue that embeds symmetric dialogues in a wider structure of dispute and dialogue.
The boomerang affect of the war on terror  [cached]
Carolin Goerzig
Historia Actual Online , 2010,
Abstract: Este artículo escruta las reacciones legislativas a los atentados en la ciudad de Oklahoma y los de Londres en 2005 para intentar descifrar como la legislación antiterrorista ha sustancialmente bloqueado estos ataques. Se intenta mostrar como la resistencia de los gobiernos y los ejecutivos aprueba índices críticos en las leyes antiterroristas. A la luz de una reciente encuesta sobre legislación antiterrorista mundial, los casos donde la legislación antiterrorista ha sido bloqueada ha llegado a ser verdaderamente crítica. A este fin, este artículo se pregunta por qué la legislación antiterrorista se bloquea cuando esto sucede. Para responder a esta cuestión, se han testado tres variables: la composición de los gobiernos, la opinión pública-basada en los niveles de terror en sus medios, y el nivel de acuerdos ejecutivos. Para testar estas variables, se han evaluado dos casos: la evolución de la legislación antiterrorista antes de los ataques de la ciudad de Oklahoma en 1995 y antes de los atentados de Londres de 2005. En la evaluación de los casos, los debates legislativos y ejecutivos han ocurrido antes de los ataques terroristas examinados y luego se han comparado los dos casos con el Reino Unido en 1974 y los Estados Unidos en 2001 cuando la legislación antiterrorista inicia su camino. Este artículo concluye que el nivel de acuerdos ejecutivos y la composición de los gobiernos tiene el mayor poder de explicación en determinadas decisiones antiterroristas que llevarán a secundar la legislación antiterrorista o no. Palabras clave: ataques terroristas a Londres, legislación antiterrorista, Estados Unidos, Reino Unido ___________________________ ABSTRACT: The goal of the war on terror is to prevent a new 9/11. In order to achieve this, the preemptive strike has been introduced to tackle the terrorism risk. However, this precisely leads to the increasing unpredictability of terrorism and hence the likelihood of a new 9/11. Preemption does not help to reduce the terrorism risk, but on the very contrary leads to its increase. The argument will be taken a step further by claiming that, in fact, the war on terror increases the likelihood of catastrophic terrorism, because the risk of terrorism increases as such that terrorists might seek indiscriminate violence not shying away to use weapons of mass destruction. The war on terror therewith turns into a risk paradox - carrying consequences which, arguably, are even more risky than the original risk itself. In order to demonstrate this point, this article applies the concept of risk to terrorist groups and relat
The Philippines: The Weak State and the Global War on Terror
Herman Joseph S. Kraft
Kasarinlan : Philippine Journal of Third World Studies , 2003,
Abstract: The Philippines is clearly one of the principal “front-line” states with Southeast Asia’s identification as the second front of the “global war on terror.” Its participation in and strong support for this campaign was commended strongly in the international stage especially by the government of the United States. At the same time, however, this policy was received with mixed feelings within the country itself. There are strong and legitimate fears that the Philippine government’s support for the United States places the stability of the country over the short- to medium-term in jeopardy. This is particularly important as the international campaign against terror has come at an inopportune time. The Philippines is currently facing multi-faceted challenges that the government is unable to address because it cannot mobilize the requisite economic and political resources. Terrorism is not the main cause of the persistent instability in the Philippines. The growth and persistence of terrorism in the country, in fact, is indicative of the weak Philippine state.
The War on Terror and the Crisis of Postcoloniality in Africa
K Omeje
African Journal of International Affairs , 2008,
Abstract: Back in the early 1990s when a section of the American foreign policy think tank and the intelligentsia were euphorically forecasting scenarios for the consolidation of western victory in the Cold War, James Woolsey, then head of the US Central Intelligence Agency forewarned that the widely celebrated victory and transition to the post-Cold War era was akin to the West, having slain the dragon (of Soviet threat), now living in a jungle full of poisonous snakes (Woolsey 1993). There can hardly be a better metaphoric representation of the post-9/11 projection of American power in the postcolonial world, especially in Africa. This article argues that the US-led war on terror tends to reinforce the crisis of postcoloniality in Africa by deliberately producing metaphors, images, discourses, doctrines and policies aimed at magnifying and mainstreaming terrorism scares on the turbulent politico-economic landscape of Africa, as a means to justify imperial governance and supervision. It is a project that ideologically feeds into influential transhistorical discourses and portrayal of Africa as a timespace of infantilism, requiring endless western propping and chaperoning. Evidently, African political regimes serve as satellite collaborators in the enterprise in a trajectory that the author captures within the discursive framework of postcoloniality.
Terrorism, War and Conflict, an analysis into the Horn of Africa - Al Shabaab in Somalia; US and UN efforts to reduce violence  [PDF]
Peter Tase
Academicus : International Scientific Journal , 2013, DOI: 10.7336/academicus.2013.07.03
Abstract: Somalia has been one of the UN member countries who lingers from the presence of terrorist groups in its territory, that exert tremendous influence in the daily life of its society and economy. Al Shabaab is well known in the horn of Africa, particularly in Somalia, for its terrorist training and strong affiliation with other terrorist groups in Nigeria and Al-Qaeda. The Harakat Shabaab Al Mujahidin, also known as Al-Shabaab. has completely controlled the central and southern part of Somalia including some of its important sea ports, which are vital for the country’s economy. Although Ethiopian and Somali military forces attempted to rout the group in a two week war between December 2006 and January 2007, Al Shabaab, with its 14,500 militants, still continues to maintain control over strategic locations, not only in Somalia, but also throughout the horn of Africa. The paper delves into the recent events and attacks either undertaken or influenced by Al-Shabaab, including a snap shot of its threat to humanitarian aid personnel as well as the Africa Union troops who are desperately trying to lower the intensity of conflict along the Somalia Kenya border area and Al-Shabaab’s actions to secure financial resources.
Implications of the War On Terror for Khyber Pukhtunkhwa, Pakistan  [PDF]
Manzoor Ahmad
Journal of Critical Globalisation Studies (JCGS) , 2010,
Abstract: The US-led War on Terror in Afghanistan conducted for the aim of eliminating Al- Qaeda and Osama-bin-Laden has brought about enormous economic, social and political changes in the region. Pakistan’s role as a front-line state in the War on Terror has had profound implications for its domestic politics and foreign policy. Pakistan not only took a U-turn on its Afghanistan policy, but also had to crack down on internal extremism and terrorism. Several military operations were carried out against the so- called terrorist factions in tribal areas and some other parts of the North West Frontier Province (NWFP), renamed as Khyber Pukhtunkhwa (KPK) under the 18th Amendment to the Constitution of 1973 of Pakistan. With a majority Pashtun population, KPK has been a target of the War on Terror due to its social structure, cultural restraints and the religion of its inhabitants on the boundary with Afghanistan. The socio-cultural similarities and geographical proximity with Afghanistan have made it a sanctuary for Al-Qaeda members. The War on Terror in KPK has had negative political, economic and social repercussions for the region and thus has created hatred among the Pashtuns. This paper is an attempt to analyze the factors which made the Pashtuns of this area prone to militancy. It will analyze the political, economic and social implications of the War on Terror for KPK in general and its Pashtun population in particular.
"Times of Terror: Discourse, Temporality and the War on Terror", de Lee Jarvis  [cached]
Aureo de Toledo Gomes
Meridiano 47 : Boletim de Análise de Conjuntura em Rela??es Internacionais , 2011,
Abstract: Resenha do livro "Times of Terror: Discourse, Temporality and the War on Terror", de Lee Jarvis
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