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Liberal Democracy and the Challenge of Ethical Diversity
Enzo Rossi
Human Affairs , 2008, DOI: 10.2478/v10023-008-0002-8
Abstract: What do we talk about when we talk about ethical diversity as a challenge to the normative justifiability of liberal democracy? Many theorists claim that liberal democracy ought to be reformed or rejected for not being sufficiently ‘inclusive’ towards diversity; others argue that, on the contrary, liberalism is desirable because it accommodates (some level of) diversity. Moreover, it has been argued that concern for diversity should lead us to favour (say) neutralistic over perfectionist, universalistic over particularistic, participative over representative versions of liberal democracy. This paper provides a conceptual framework to situate those debates, and argues that there are two fundamental ways in which diversity constitutes a challenge to the justificatory status of liberal democracy: consistency (whereby diversity causes clashes between the prescriptions generated by normative political theories), and adequacy (whereby diversity generates a rift between our experience of what is considered valuable and what the theory treats as such).
A key problem and challenge for hepatology: Obesity-related metabolic liver diseases  [cached]
Yasemin Hatice Balaban
World Journal of Hepatology , 2011, DOI: 10.4254/wjh.v3.i6.142
Abstract: With the arrival of the new millennium, gastroenterologists have been faced with the problem of metabolic liver diseases associated with obesity. The active role of the liver in metabolism and inflammation make it a key organ in the war against the rapidly-spreading world-wide epidemic of obesity. Many lives and much money could be saved if the work of hepatologists led to the development of effective diagnostic and therapeutic strategies against this growing leader of cirrhosis.
Liberal values and political stabilization in Serbia  [PDF]
Pavi?evi? ?or?e M.
Filozofija i Dru?tvo , 2002, DOI: 10.2298/fid0209165p
Abstract: The paper is an expanded version of the project proposal 'Liberal values and political stabilization in Serbia'. The idea of the proposal is to explore the possibilities of acceptance and stabilization of liberal patterns of distribution of social goods in transitional countries, keeping in mind peculiarities of the Serbian case. Liberalization of these countries is usually an uneasy and uncertain process. There are two kind paradoxes of liberalization. The first concerns the necessity of political incentives for depoliticization of several social spheres. The second is related to possible self-destructive performances of liberal institutions in the process of transition. The stabilization of liberal-democracy in transitional countries is dependent on the capacity of institutions to build within themselves the mechanisms for alleviating these uneasiness. Two of them I find especially important: the system of social responsibilities and public reason.
Against liberal pluralist political practice in South Africa
Pieter Coetzee
Koers : Bulletin for Christian Scholarship , 1997, DOI: 10.4102/koers.v62i4.576
Abstract: In this article I take issue with liberal pluralist political practice in South Africa. Multicultural civil society requires the recognition of cultural categories which modernity, in the shape of liberal pluralism, cannot accommodate and therefore ignore in the interests of fostering a single monocultural politics. In South Africa this trend has taken the usual route of difference-blind, assimilationisl political programmes aimed at nation building (under the slogan “one people - one nation"). I attempt to show that liberal pluralist practice can be adapted to make space for cultural and ethnic categories, and that a nation of a common political identity can be constructed out of this adaptation, but that a re-interpretaiion of liberal notions of liberty and equality is required.
Structural Ambiguity of the Liberal Democratic Party: The Dissolution of the Diet in 2005 and the Reinstatement Problem  [cached]
ITO, Takuya
Electronic Journal of Contemporary Japanese Studies , 2009,
Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to explain the ambiguous structure of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) even when under the leadership of Koizumi Jun-ichiro, who adopted the slogan, 'structural reform without sanctuary'. The paper discusses the dissolution of the Diet in 2005 and the problem of reinstating the former LDP members who had opposed the privatization of the postal system. It is noteworthy that the succeeding LDP president Abe Shinzo, who adopted the 'challenge again' (saicharenji) slogan, suddenly opted for their reinstatement. However, this paper argues that the reinstatement was not planned by Abe but Koizumi, who merely pretended to clarify the structure of the LDP by dissolving the Diet and fighting the rebels in the snap general election. This implies that his 'structural reform without sanctuary' slogan had a sanctuary—the LDP itself as the governing party. This will be explained by describing the process through which the rebels were reinstated in the party.
Liberal thought and Bolivian political culture (1899-1934)
Vila De Prado,Roberto;
Revista de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (Santa Cruz de la Sierra) , 2005,
Abstract: this paper studies political culture during the liberal period of bolivian political history, in terms of collective imagery and processes of structural formation, such as the production and reproduction of social practices. political culture is also a process of structural formation based on the project-process interaction: the projects of the actors, and processes that obey regularities (structures). hence, their study requires a double hermeneutic to understand how actors create the political field, and at the same time are created by it. political culture lato sensu encompasses an epoch?s common sense, social identities and their respective practices; though this does not exclude the possibility of thinking of culture as the crystalization of a concrete thought, which may become hegemonic and articulate, institutionally or socially, a social formation. old-style liberalism in our america adopted specific forms, such as clientelism and caudillismo. since political transformations do not operate in a vacuum, we must study the continuity that exists between thought and discursive practices during the 19th century, in order to better understand those which correspond to our own time.
The liberal battlefields of global business regulation  [cached]
Kate Macdonald,Terry Macdonald
Ethics & Global Politics , 2010, DOI: 10.3402/egp.v3i4.5751
Abstract: The global justice movement has often been associated with opposition to the broad programme of ‘neoliberalism’ and associated patterns of ‘corporate globalisation’, creating a widespread impression that this movement is opposed to liberalism more broadly conceived. Our goal in this article is to challenge this widespread view. By engaging in critical interpretive analysis of the contemporary ‘corporate accountability’ movement, we argue that the corporate accountability agenda is not opposed to the core values of a liberal project. Rather, it is seeking to reconfigure the design of liberal institutions of individual rights-protection, adjusting these for new material conditions associated with economic globalisation, under which powerful corporations alongside states now pose direct and significant threats to individual rights. This activist agenda is, therefore, much less radical in its challenge to the prevailing liberal global order than it may initially appear, since it functions to buttress rather than corrode many core normative commitments underpinning the liberal political project.
Constitutional Reform and Political Regime in Interwar Portugal. A Challenge for Political Theory  [cached]
Florin-Ciprian MITREA
South-East European Journal of Political Science , 2013,
Abstract: Salazar’s authoritarian regime (1932-1968) represents unquestionably a controversial moment in Europe’s political history. Antonio Salazar is considered either a saviour of interwar Portugal and an exponent of Christian philosophy in politics, or, on the contrary, a dictator of fascist filiation who obstructed his country’s democratic evolution. All disputes aside, it can be stated with certainty that the Portuguese politician was the longest-serving state leader of twentieth century Europe and that his constitutional philosophy is still a challenge for political theory. Was Salazar’s an authoritarian, dictatorial, totalitarian regime or, conversely, can it be considered a sui generis aspect of the Mediterranean political model? Starting from this question, the aim of this article is to analyse the substance of Salazar’s political thought, as well as its reception phenomenon from the viewpoint of Arendtian critique of totalitarianism, and of the model of conceptual history, as theorised by Reinhart Kosellek.
Liberty Challenge or Dangers of Liberal Democracy I m ginimas laisve, arba neliberaliosios demokratijos pavojai  [cached]
Dalia Eidukien?
Coactivity : Philosophy, Communication , 2009, DOI: 10.3846/1822-430x.2009.17.1.69-75
Abstract: The article analyses dialectics of a modern democracy and liberalism through the new (from the quality point of view) subsistence of liberty, the priority element of democracy, in liberal democracies. The significance of such discourse is determined by the existing social inequality and its conversion into political domain. Particular attention is paid to the social issue, which was treated by Max Weber already as the reason of death of the old, fanatic German “national liberalism”, since it has not managed to belong to the German environment. Even today, it still lies in the principles of life and reality of “young” democratic post-soviet states. Conversion of a social issue into political domain disorganises the society, and it is hardly capable to socialise its norms and values in order to be obligated with regard to civic goals. In other words, the social issue significantly adjusts the pace and direction of transformation of the society. Therefore, an immature “young” liberal democracy may become “less liberal” or no longer conform to the “strict” definition of liberal democracy. Referring to the above, we conclude that social composition should become the medium of political reconstruction for “young” democracies. This does not mean, however, the change of the genetic code of liberalism. This is a striving to vest it, as an ideology, additional powers for rationalisation of democracy by delivering to it the content and the meaning, which would answer the challenges and problems of the time. Liberalism should create a new, from the quality point of view, hierarchy of values and become a new context for both political thinking and democracy. This would render new impulses to economic and public politics, meanwhile developing new premises for a new, from the quality point of view, democracy that would help to consolidate the society for the becoming of liberal democracy. Article in Lithuanian Analizuojama demokratijos ir liberalizmo dialektika atsi velgiant kokybi kai nauj prioritetinio liberaliosios demokratijos elemento – laisv s – būt kai kuriose Vidurio ir Ryt Europos valstyb se. Tokios analiz s reik m lemia egzistuojantis socialinis klausimas ir jo konversija politin je erdv je. Straipsnis lietuvi kalba
Liberal and conservative political thought in nineteenth-century Serbia Vladimir Jovanovi and Slobodan Jovanovi  [PDF]
Milosavljevi? Boris
Balcanica , 2010, DOI: 10.2298/balc1041131m
Abstract: Two very influential political philosophers and politicians, Vladimir Jovanovi and Slobodan Jovanovi , differed considerably in political theory. The father, Vladimir, offered an Enlightenment-inspired rationalist critique of the traditional values underpinning his upbringing. The son, Slobodan, having had a non-traditional, liberal upbringing, gradually-through analyzing and criticizing the epoch’s prevail-ing ideas, scientism, positivism and materialism-came up with his own synthesis of traditional and liberal, state and liberty, general and individual. Unlike Vladimir Jovanovi , who advocated popular sovereignty, central to the political thought of his son Slobodan was the concept of the state. On the other hand, Slobodan shared his father’s conviction that a bicameral system was a prerequisite for the protection of individual liberties and for good governance. Political views based on different political philosophies decisively influenced different understandings of parliamentarianism in nineteenth-century Serbia, which in turn had a direct impact on the domestic political scene and the manner of government.
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