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Romanian Parliamentary Debate on the Decisions of the Congress of Berlin in the Years around 1878-1879  [cached]
Iulia Maria Onac
Quest : Issues in Contemporary Jewish History. , 2012,
Abstract: The Romanian Parliamentary debate around the Congress of Berlin (1878-1879) offers a bird’s eye view of the evolution of antisemitic speech in Romania. Naturalization of the Jews - an issue raised by the Great European Powers during this Congress - came into conflict with the wishes of the Romania political class, which presently exploded into a violent antisemitic campaign in the political debates and public speeches. The “Jewish danger” presented by many intellectuals and politicians will be accompanied by the accusation that the Jews constitute a state within the state, a nation within the nation, both devoted to world conspiracy. Amidst this welter of accusations, antisemitic discourse grew heavy with racial arguments. But by far the main characteristic of the Romanian variant of antisemitic discourse was the rapidity of its adoption in the parliamentary debates.
Parliaments and European security policy. Mapping the Parliamentary Field  [PDF]
Nicole Deitelhoff
European Integration Online Papers , 2010,
Abstract: The more important governmental cooperation and bureaucratic involvement become in ESDP, the more pressing becomes the issue of democratic control of executive cooperation. This article starts from the argument that parliamentary involvement in decision-making is of central importance for ensuring the democratic quality of ESDP. It uses the notion of a multilevel parliamentary field to examine how parliaments at different levels are currently involved in ESDP. It turns out that during the past two decades or so no clear-cut privileged channel of parliamentary involvement has evolved in this field. Although national parliaments are of central importance due to the intergovernmental nature of decision-making, even they face severe problems in controlling executive decisions as their powers vary widely and both international cooperation among executive actors and military integration pose severe problems to control procedures at the national level. The European Parliament and various forms of inter-parliamentary cooperation complement the work of member state parliaments. While they provide opportunities for public scrutiny of European security policies and for information sharing, working relations among parliaments in the field are not without frictions. The more executive decision-making departs from the purely intergovernmental model, the more problematic the existing arrangements for parliamentary involvement will become. There will be no easy remedy as adjustments in parliamentary control will require careful attention to the relations of the different elements in the parliamentary field.
The process of macroprudential oversight in Europe  [PDF]
Peter Sarlin,Henrik J. Nyman
Quantitative Finance , 2013,
Abstract: The 2007--2008 financial crisis has paved the way for the use of macroprudential policies in supervising the financial system as a whole. This paper views macroprudential oversight in Europe as a process, a sequence of activities with the ultimate aim of safeguarding financial stability. To conceptualize a process in this context, we introduce the notion of a public collaborative process (PCP). PCPs involve multiple organizations with a common objective, where a number of dispersed organizations cooperate under various unstructured forms and take a collaborative approach to reaching the final goal. We argue that PCPs can and should essentially be managed using the tools and practices common for business processes. To this end, we conduct an assessment of process readiness for macroprudential oversight in Europe. Based upon interviews with key European policymakers and supervisors, we provide an analysis model to assess the maturity of five process enablers for macroprudential oversight. With the results of our analysis, we give clear recommendations on the areas that need further attention when macroprudential oversight is being developed, in addition to providing a general purpose framework for monitoring the impact of improvement efforts.
Executive Accountability in Parliamentary Democracies: A Comparative Overview: Britain, Germany, India and Ethiopia  [PDF]
Andualem Nega Ferede
Beijing Law Review (BLR) , 2018, DOI: 10.4236/blr.2018.95034
Abstract: Democracies especially parliamentary democracies must ensure that public bodies and officials are performing to their full potential, providing value for money in the provision of public services, building confidence in the society, and being responsive to the community they are meant to be serving. The objective of the article is to explain and compare on the functioning parliamentary democracies, Britain, Germany, India and Ethiopia, to give an insight how the parliaments account the executive to bring better governance. Britain is the oldest parliamentary democracy; Germany with handy parliamentary democracy and functional federalism and India is the largest parliamentary democracy. These countries have much experience Ethiopia has to learn. Thus the article considered the institutional structure of accountability; parliamentary control strategies without jeopardizing the concept of separation of powers in a these four countries. The parliamentary system is portrayed under FDRE Constitution and other legislations. The article explored these laws and practical situations and tried to associate with other parliamentary democracies.
Parliamentary participation in EU affairs in Austria, Finland and Sweden: Newcomers with different approaches  [cached]
Hans Hegeland,Christine Neuhold
European Integration Online Papers , 2002,
Abstract: The national parliaments in Austria, Finland, and Sweden faced similar challenges as regards to parliamentary participation in EU affairs when their countries became EU members in 1995. They chose different institutional frameworks, where in Austria the respective legal provisions were comparatively rather strong. However, the Austrian parliament rarely makes use of its extensive formal powers but finds it difficult to select the relevant EU issues to exercise its controlling powers. Finland and Sweden, on the other hand, did not provide for such extensive room of manoeuvre for their parliaments but have been more successful in selecting important EU matters to exercise parliamentary control. Especially the Finnish solution, where the parliament focuses on issues that should have been decided by the parliament if Finland had not been a member of the EU, has proven to be particularly successful.
Parliamentary participation in EU affairs in Austria, Finland and Sweden: Newcomers with different approaches  [PDF]
Christine Neuhold
European Integration Online Papers , 2002,
Abstract: The national parliaments in Austria, Finland, and Sweden faced similar challenges as regards to parliamentary participation in EU affairs when their countries became EU members in 1995. They chose different institutional frameworks, where in Austria the respective legal provisions were comparatively rather strong. However, the Austrian parliament rarely makes use of its extensive formal powers but finds it difficult to select the relevant EU issues to exercise its controlling powers. Finland and Sweden, on the other hand, did not provide for such extensive room of manoeuvre for their parliaments but have been more successful in selecting important EU matters to exercise parliamentary control. Especially the Finnish solution, where the parliament focuses on issues that should have been decided by the parliament if Finland had not been a member of the EU, has proven to be particularly successful.
Macroprudential oversight, risk communication and visualization  [PDF]
Peter Sarlin
Quantitative Finance , 2014,
Abstract: This paper discusses the role of risk communication in macroprudential oversight and of visualization in risk communication. Beyond the soar in data availability and precision, the transition from firm-centric to system-wide supervision imposes vast data needs. Moreover, except for internal communication as in any organization, broad and effective external communication of timely information related to systemic risks is a key mandate of macroprudential supervisors, further stressing the importance of simple representations of complex data. This paper focuses on the background and theory of information visualization and visual analytics, as well as techniques within these fields, as potential means for risk communication. We define the task of visualization in risk communication, discuss the structure of macroprudential data, and review visualization techniques applied to systemic risk. We conclude that two essential, yet rare, features for supporting the analysis of big data and communication of risks are analytical visualizations and interactive interfaces. For visualizing the so-called macroprudential data cube, we provide the VisRisk platform with three modules: plots, maps and networks. While VisRisk is herein illustrated with five web-based interactive visualizations of systemic risk indicators and models, the platform enables and is open to the visualization of any data from the macroprudential data cube.
Parliamentary functions portrayed on European parliaments' websites
Leston-Bandeira, Cristina;
Revista de Sociologia e Política , 2009, DOI: 10.1590/S0104-44782009000300003
Abstract: this article uses data from a pilot study on the websites of 15 parliaments in europe to identify which parliamentary functions are portrayed on these websites. the pilot study undertook a contents analysis focused on four parliamentary functions: legislation, legitimation, representation and scrutiny, to ascertain the extent to which each of these functions is present on the websites analysed. as parliaments face difficulties of public perception, their websites become an important tool for dissemination of parliamentary work. and yet we know little about what these websites portray, when it comes to parliamentary activity. are these websites a reflection of parliamentary work? to what extent do these websites express political debate? to what extent are these websites comprehensive to all of the roles performed by parliaments? this article shows that legislation is the main focus of parliamentary websites in europe and representation the one that has less devoted space. this may go some way to explain why some parliamentary websites are considered as too dense and not user friendly. we also show that parliamentary websites tend to focus on parliamentary outputs to the detriment of parliamentary actors. because of their institutional collective representation, parliaments are cautious in focusing on politicians or parties; instead they focus on what parliaments produce (laws, questions, debates, etc.). again, this goes some way to explain why parliaments' websites may not be as engaging as one may expect, simply because they are not meant to reflect political debate, but simply to facilitate it.
Ethnicity, Strategic Mobilization and Voting in the Romanian Parliamentary Elections of 2008  [PDF]
Marius I. T?TAR
Journal of Identity and Migration Studies , 2011,
Abstract: Social scientists have made contradictory claims about the impact of ethnicity on social cohesion, the levels of social trust, civic and political engagement. This paper conceptualizes ethnic diversity as a contextual variable and evaluates its effect on the electoral participation of the Hungarian minority from Romania, using a case study of the Romanian Parliamentary Elections of 2008. The article examines the differences in turnout between Hungarian electors living in different counties of Romania, and how this varies by the ethnic composition of the counties. We discern two patterns of electoral participation of the Hungarian minority: lower turnout in ethnically non-competitive counties (i.e. low ethnical diversity, with the size of Hungarian minority below 8% or above 50% of the county’s total population); higher turnout in ethnically competitive counties (i.e. higher ethnical diversity, with the size of the Hungarian minority between 8% and 50% of the county’s population). The findings support the “strategic mobilization hypothesis” according to which electoral mobilization was unevenly distributed due to various stakes attributed to voting in different electoral districts, followed by a pragmatic cost/benefit logic adopted by the leaders and partisans of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (DAHR).
“EMPLOYMENT GUARANTEE”
DILIP KHANDERAO PATIL
Golden Research Thoughts , 2013, DOI: 10.9780/22315063
Abstract: Guarantee for one hundred days of employment in every financial year to adult members of any rural household willing to do public work-related unskilled manual work at the statutory minimum wage of Rs.100 per day. The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MNREGA) is an Indian job guarantee scheme, enacted by legislation on August 25, 2005. The scheme provides a legal guarantee for one hundred days of employment in every financial year to adult members of any rural household willing to do public work-related unskilled manual work at the statutory minimum wage of 100 (US$2.17) per day. The Central government outlay for scheme is 40,000 crore (US$8.68 billion) in FY 2010-11. The scheme commenced on February 2, 2006 in 200 districts, was expanded to cover another 130 districts in 2007-2008 and eventually covered all 593 districts in India by April 1, 2008. The outlay was Rs. 110 billion in 2006-2007, and rose steeply to Rs. 391 billion (140% increase in amount with respect to previous 2008-2009 budget) in 2009-2010. Many criticisms have been leveled at the programme, which has been argued to be no more effective than other poverty reduction programmes in India, with key exceptions such as Rajasthan.The first criticism is financial. The MGNREGAis one of the largest initiatives of its kind in the world. The national budget for the financial year 2006-2007 was Rs 113 billion (about US$2.5bn and almost 0.3% of GDP) and now fully operational, it costs Rs. 391 billion in financial year 2009-2010.
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