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FEATURES OF ORGANIZATION OF THE TAX ADMINISTRATION IN CONDITIONS OF POST-CRISIS DEVELOPMENT/ ОСОБЕННОСТИ ОРГАНИЗАЦИИ НАЛОГОВОГО АДМИНИСТРИРОВАНИЯ В УСЛОВИЯХ ПОСТКРИЗИСНОГО РАЗВИТИЯ  [cached]
Proskura Ekaterina Petrovna
Voprosy Sovremennoj èkonomiki , 2013,
Abstract: The features and problems of tax administration in the conditions of post-crisis development of the economy, when many industries still have the crisis, but there is a gradual increase in business activity. We need to pay attention to the fact that an important function of the tax system in these conditions, along with the fiscal, is a regulatory one and tax policy in general, as part of the fiscal policy of the state, serves as a powerful lever to regulate economic activity and economic growth. Based on the analysis of current trends the proposals developed for improving the performance of the tax authorities’ activity in the field of tax administration.
Problems and prospects of post-crisis development of entrepreneurship: a regional aspect
P.A. Fisunenko,G.V. Douginets
Marketing ì Mened?ment Innovacìj , 2012,
Abstract: In the article discussed the problems and prospects for development of entrepreneurship in the Ukraines regions. Determined that the development of business should be to Ukraine major means of overcoming economic depression and the resumption of growth based on a qualitative modernization of the economy.
Military Intervention and Crisis Management in the Balkans’ Crisis
Enrique Mora Benavente
Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals , 2000,
Abstract: The author reviews and analyzes the conflicts in the Balkans from Croatia’s “war of national liberation” in the summer of 1991 to the latest crisis in Kosovo in 1999. He also scrutinizes the relations between the military interventions in the Balkan wars and thepolitical context in which they took place. From the author’s point of view, while the military interventions have been effective in some cases, in others the incorrect reading of the political context or the absence of a policy design raises doubts about the effectivenessof military action. As a result, in Mora’s critique, what should be carried out first is deeper reflection in defining the framework of political objectives to be met and their relation to the use of military force even if, at the moment, this kind of exercise is made difficult because of the uncertainty surrounding one of the principle actors in the Balkans: The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
The Two Faces of American Power: Military and Political Communication during the Cuban Missile Crisis  [PDF]
Michael Deinema,Loet Leydesdorff
Physics , 2009,
Abstract: Purpose: The mismatches between political discourse and military momentum in the American handling of the Cuban missile crisis are explained by using the model of the potential autopoiesis of subsystems. Under wartime conditions, the codes of political and military communications can increasingly be differentiated. Design/methodology/approach: The model of a further differentiation between political and military power is developed on the basis of a detailed description of the Cuban missile crisis. We introduce the concept of a "semi-dormant autopoiesis" for the difference in the dynamics between peacetime and wartime conditions. Findings: Several dangerous incidents during the crisis can be explained by a sociocybernetic model focusing on communication and control, but not by using an organization-theoretical approach. The further differentiation of the military as a subsystem became possible in the course of the twentieth century because of ongoing learning processes about previous wars.
Tumu Crisis and the Weakness of the Military System of Ming Dynasty  [cached]
Longfei Feng
Asian Social Science , 2009, DOI: 10.5539/ass.v5n6p12
Abstract: In the year of 1449, Ming lost the battle against the Oirats in Tumu Bao due to its poor military system. In this article, the history of the Tumu Crisis and the military system of Ming dynasty were systematically studied. The article, First of all, analyzed the weakness of the military system of Ming from five aspects, and concluded that the main problems were the lower social statue of the army and a serial unrealistic regulation. Following that, the article explained how the military system caused the Tumu Crisis. It is found that the low quality of the military personnel caused by the army family system, the inefficient supply system, the war-weary attitude and the poor leadership were the main reasons for losing the battle.
Globalism and Corporate Identity in the Post-crisis Economy  [PDF]
Diana Andreia HRISTACHE,Silvia Elena IACOB
Theoretical and Applied Economics , 2012,
Abstract: The globalism of the post-crisis economy accentuates more and more the present risk and uncertainty condition. The normal corporate reactions in this situation can only arise starting from an “exploration” and understanding of the turbulence and chaos that manifest themselves increasingly clearly nowadays. The shift of the business environment towards what we could designate by the syntagm “the new normality” cannot marginalize the “communicational paradigm”. The latter is called to support the corporate identity and to assure the necessary framework for the construction of certain business scenarios and strategies meant to make the most of the capabilities of the modern organization.
The Military Ethos in the Politics of Post-1986 Uganda
Jude Kagoro
Social Sciences Directory , 2013, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7563/ssd?_02_02_03
Abstract: This paper argues that military ethos play a central role in the politics of post-1986 Uganda. This phenomenon is a product of the intersection between the country’s sociopolitical history and the discourse that brought the incumbent ruling party, the National Resistance Movement, to power. Both the ruling party and the leading opposition party, the Forum for Democratic Change — an off-shoot of the former — have strong military orientation. To resonate with the populace’s shared perceptions that attach a high symbolic capital to the military ethos, the two dominant parties use military branding as one of their vital strategies. In deconstructing the centrality of military ethos in politics, the paper draws on Pierre Bourdieu’s thinking tools of “habitus”, “field of power” and “symbolic capital”.
"The Constraints and Prospects of Post-military Literary Engagement in Nigeria."
Ameh Dennis Akoh.
Nebula , 2009,
Abstract:
THE DEMOCRATIC CONTROL OF MILITARY FORCES
Smail O?trakovi?
Human : Research in Rehabilitation , 2011,
Abstract: The transition requirement for post communism countries, especially the part that is about military forces is to establish those civil-military relation that will have prepared projects for awareness evolving of society and military about necessity of democratic control over military sector of country through development of many different communication forms and shapes. Before everything, it means the entire freedom and independence of media at access to military forces as the topic and subject of its interests and also the organization of public military communication system as integral part of information-communication system in society.
The Post-Marcos Regime, The Non-Bourgeois Opposition and the Prospects of a Philippine "October"
P.N. Abinales
Kasarinlan : Philippine Journal of Third World Studies , 1985,
Abstract: The rebellion that ousted Marcos combined massive civilian support with a military revolt. This gave rise to a reconstituted bourgeois liberal democratic State involving the emergence of new political forces hitherto marginal to the anti-Marcos opposition and the relative isolation of the Philippine Left from the political mainstream. This new political situation is set in a backdrop of economic crisis and bleak prospects for social recovery. The forces committed to social and class-based change remain disunited, and the revolutionary vanguard suffers from a “crisis of imagination” and an inadequate strategy of resistance. The paper argues that the “February Revolution” has only changed the mode of political governance but not necessarily the political economy of the country. The present is only an interregnum which may either slide back to pre-Marcos conditions or create new ones that will facilitate at a future date the occurrence of a Philippine “October”.
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