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Federalism in Africa: The Case of Ethnic-based Federalism in Ethiopia
Jan Záho?ík,Wondwosen Teshome
International Journal of Human Sciences , 2008,
Abstract: Ethiopia adopted ethnic federalism and restructured the regions along ethnic lines as soon as the EPRDF took political power by overthrowing the Marxist military government in 1991. The aim of this paper is to examine the merits and the demerits of federalism. The paper particularly assesses federalism in Africa by taking the case of Ethiopia as an example. The paper argues that in order to ensure the success of federalism, it should not be imposed from above. Since its introduction in 1991 and officially sanctioned in the country’s 1994 Constitution, ethnic federalism and Article 39 of the Constitution that awarded the self-rule states (regions) the right to secede has become the major source of intense debate. For some, ethnic federalism and the right to secede discourage ethnic tensions in the country and encourage the various ethnic groups to live together peacefully. However, for others, this “experiment” can go out of hand and may lead the country into never-ending ethnic wars and eventually to disintegration. This paper, by taking into account of Ethiopia’s and other countries’ experiences, will examine both sides of the arguments.
The International Community’s Intervention on Ethiopia and Eretria’s Conflict  [cached]
Abdi O. Shuriye
Review of European Studies , 2013, DOI: 10.5539/res.v5n1p110
Abstract: Border issues are political problems in Africa. The border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea was one of the contentious wars faced by the international community. To manage this conflict, the same community established border commission to draw up the boundaries and demarcate the borderline. Ethiopia was however insolent and in effect discarded this demarcation. It also continued to dwell in the territory of Eritrea. This research urges the international community to make border issues in Africa a priority. In fact, one of the reasons why Kenya and Ethiopia are reluctant to participate in the efforts to form tangible Somali government has its origin in border issue. Historically Ethiopia will not forget the damage inflicted upon them by Somali freedom fighters including Imam Ahmad, Sayed Muhammad Abdulle Hassan, and the Somali military. In 1531, Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi (1507-1543) launched a campaign against Ethiopia and defeated several Ethiopian emperors, inflicting much dent on the kingdom. This conflict brought three-quarters of Ethiopia under Muslim Somali Sultanate of Adal in the intense Ethiopian Adal War from 1529-43. Similarly, Sayed Muhammad Abdulle Hassan, ONLF, UWSLF and the former Somali National Military have meted out damages on Ethiopia. Similarly Somalia was on the offensive in 1964 to reclaim the Kenyan Northeastern region. The point at hand is that, the history of most conflicts in the region revolves on border related issues. In the case of Ethiopia and Eritrea the military move by the international community had significantly ended a long held conflict and struggle through peaceful engagement and drafted binding arbitration.
The Implications of federalism and decentralisation on socio-economic conditions in Ethiopia
P Zimmermann-Steinhart, Y Bekele
Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad , 2012,
Abstract: This paper analyses impacts of the federal system and the decentralisation of functions to the district level on Ethiopia's socio-economic development. Firstly we will highlight the principles of the Ethiopian federal system as well as those of the 2001/2002 decentralisation process. Secondly we will show how the decentralisation has impacted on two of the decentralised sectors, health and education, by comparing pre-federal, pre- and post-decentralisation data. In both cases an overall increase in allocated budgets and an increase in the scale of the services offered since decentralisation started in 2001 has been found. Studies also show that the increase in services is not homogenous across regional states. Within the four larger regions, strongly disadvantaged woredas at the outset of the decentralisation process have profited most, which shows that the constitutional imperative of equal access to services is being implemented. Some of the regions where decentralisation was started later have still not caught up with the other regions, a phenomenon which is mostly due to capacity deficits. The article concludes that decentralisation in combination with consistent development policies has led to an overall improvement in service delivery, while some challenges regarding quality and equity still need to be addressed. KEYWORDS: Ethiopia, federalism, decentralisation, woredas, development policy, equity
Sub-National Constitutions in Ethiopia: Towards Entrenching Constitutionalism at State Level
T Regassa
Mizan Law Review , 2009,
Abstract: Ethiopia’s federalism is often studied from the perspective of the “centre”.1 The result of this focus on the centre to start off our inquiries has rendered the state constitutions 2 invisible both in academic and non-academic circles.3 This article offers a fresh look at the Ethiopian federal experiment from the perspective of the states. In a sense, therefore, this study is an attempt at studying federalism “from below”.4 Thus this paper offers an overview of state constitutions in Ethiopia with a view to highlighting their significance in the public life of Ethiopians. It also provides an analysis of how we can deepen and entrench constitutionalism in the states of Ethiopia through the instrumentality of state constitutions.
SOURCES OF CONFLICTS WITHIN ORGANIZATIONS AND METHODS OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION  [PDF]
Iuliana TALMACIU,Mihaela M?R?CINE
Management & Marketing , 2010,
Abstract: Inherent components of group life, conflicts include both positive and negative aspects from a psycho-social point of view. They can generate chaos and progress, separation and cohesion. More and more specialists believe that conflict management is as important as the other management functions. We can say that there is no organization without conflicts and no social group without disputes. The present paper tries to identify the modality in which conflicts are born, as well as to present various strategies of conflict resolution, on the basis of a cost analysis generated by conflicts at organizational level.
Democracy in Conflict and Conflicts in Democracy: The Nigerian Experience
Solomon A. Laleye
Cultura. International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology , 2011, DOI: 10.2478/v10193-011-0008-x
Abstract: This paper focuses on the problem of conflicts that are socio-political in nature. It thus agrees that conflict is a product of human interaction, but its degeneration into violence is avoidable and consequently detestable. The repressive, depressive and destructive functions of socio-political conflict are seen as products of the tension that exists between personal values and social values among the different individuals and groups that make up the nation of Nigeria, especially in the very attempt at defining national security, social peace and political stability. This contretemps undermines the success of democracy in Nigeria; it is more problematic when democracy as a form of government is discovered to harbour conflict in its very attempts at ensuring an enduring social order. The paper thus advocates for a fundamental socio-political reconstruction based on the cherished values of African traditional thought that promotes social cohesion, respect for the dignity of the human person, social justice and economic growth. The philosophical methods of analysis and conceptual clarification, in addition to empirical methods, are employed.
Conflicts Over "Conflict": Preventing Fragmentation of International Law  [PDF]
Adarsh Ramanujan
Trade, Law and Development , 2009,
Abstract: Public international law does not envisage a single source of law; nor does it contemplate a single supreme law-creating body. Conflict between various norms, whatever be their nature, is therefore an inevitability. Such conflicts are one of the many causes that affect the ability of the legal system to maintain stability and accountability. Resolving such conflicts is essential to ensure that any system does not fall under its own weight. The importance of resolving conflicts is amplified in the context of the public international law regime, which consists of a number of sub-systems, thereby resulting in a higher probability of conflicts. Equally important to the issue of resolving conflict is identifying when the solution is to be applied. After all, what good is any “ultimate answer” without identifying the “ultimate question”! In other words, one must first identify the existence of a conflict to resolve it. Very few publicists of international repute have, however, dealt with this issue, in particular, in sufficient substantive detail. Despite the limited number of opinions, there is, unfortunately, no consensus on this topic. The present comment portrays the author’s view on this issue. In this comment, the question has been analyzed with a very simple policy objective: avoiding fragmentation of international law. The author’s views are presented by way of critically examining the opinion of Joost Pauwelyn, a noted scholar in this field, who has most recently dealt with this issue in a comprehensive manner. Moulded into this crtique are three hypothetical scenarios that would allow the reader to grasp the significance of the question.
Ye Shakoch Chilot (the court of the sheikhs): A traditional institution of conflict resolution in Oromiya zone of Amhara regional state, Ethiopia
M Zeleke
African Journal on Conflict Resolution , 2010,
Abstract: Traditional institutions of conflict resolution play a very significant role in the day-to-day lives of Africans in general and Ethiopians in particular. In Ethiopia, a country that has adopted ethnic federalism as its policy, such traditional institutions help to blur political boundaries and bring people from different ethnic and regional backgrounds together. Furthermore, they serve as alternative institutions of conflict resolution in a country where the state legal system is failing to fully provide the judiciary needs of the nation. For instance, in Jille Dhmugaa district, where the research was conducted, there are only two judges for a total population of 102 936. Apart from the lack of capacity under which it suffers, the state legal system can also be criticised for a high degree of preferential treatment due to corruption, so that justice is provided only to a few. Furthermore, the ideology of the state legal system is drawn mainly from the western legal philosophy which is highly influenced by an individualistic orientation and does not fit the strong social orientation on the ground where it is being implemented. These reasons and more are raised by many as main drawbacks of the state legal system in Ethiopia. There were times in Ethiopian history when the state legal system officially incorporated elements from the traditional institutions of conflict resolution in the state courts (Carmichael 2003:122; Walker 1933:153–156). The Ethiopian constitution has, however, limited the mandate of the customary and religious institutions to private and family matters. Nevertheless, these institutions are playing a very significant role in other domains – such as criminal matters. The strong social tie existing in the community makes the significance of reconciliation, the key role of traditional institutions, indispensable. The main questions this paper attempts to answer, on the bases of ethnographic data, are: What are the pull factors towards traditional institutions? And why do people prefer the traditional institutions vis-à-vis the state legal system?
The road to conflict resolution: A comparative analysis of frozen conflicts in the OSCE area
Trapara Vladimir,Jon?i? Milo?
Medjunarodni Problemi , 2012, DOI: 10.2298/medjp1203275t
Abstract: In this paper the authors comparatively analyze the frozen conflicts in the OSCE area with an objective to discover specific features of the road to their solution. An accent has been put on the post-Soviet conflicts, while Kosovo and Cyprus are treated as subsidiary cases. A decisive element of the frozen conflict definition is a disharmony between the legal and factual state regarding territorial changes which took place as a consequence of an armed conflict. Thus, the international law aspect is the most important in considering possibilities for settlement of these conflicts. Other aspects which are analyzed in the paper are security, energy, economic, and democratic ones. The common conclusion of the analysis of each of these aspects is that the USA and Russia are the key actors which influence these frozen conflicts’ resolution. In the absence of their consensus, these conflicts are doomed to remain frozen in the long run.
THE IMPLICATIONS OF FEDERALISM AND DECENTRALISATION ON SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN ETHIOPIA
Petra Zimmermann-Steinhart,Yakob Bekele
Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad , 2012,
Abstract: This paper analyses impacts of the federal system and the decentralisation of functions to the district level on Ethiopia's socio-economic development. Firstly we will highlight the principles of the Ethiopian federal system as well as those of the 2001/2002 decentralisation process. Secondly we will show how the decentralisation has impacted on two of the decentralised sectors, health and education, by comparing pre-federal, pre- and post-decentralisation data.In both cases an overall increase in allocated budgets and an increase in the scale of the services offered since decentralisation started in 2001 has been found. Studies also show that the increase in services is not homogenous across regional states. Within the four larger regions, strongly disadvantaged woredas at the outset of the decentralisation process have profited most, which shows that the constitutional imperative of equal access to services is being implemented. Some of the regions where decentralisation was started later have still not caught up with the other regions, a phenomenon which is mostly due to capacity deficits.The article concludes that decentralisation in combination with consistent development policies has led to an overall improvement in service delivery, while some challenges regarding quality and equity still need to be addressed.
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